2024-03-28T10:58:02Z
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/oai
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/3
2017-02-16T15:08:59Z
cbp:ART
Food Deprivation and Social Stratification in Prewar Hungary
Sozan, Michael
The purpose of this paper is to examine patterns of nutrition within a village community in Hungary during the interwar years (1919-1945). At that time Hungary acquired its present-day borders and came to be ruled by an inflexible government reluctant to carry out badly needed reform. Hungarians experienced a wide range of problems, one of which was rural poverty. One index of poverty is food deprivation which can be assessed from contemporary documents as well as the testimony of those who experienced it. Peasants during these years suffered grave food shortages and became the most discontented segment of society. Had the regime listened to their complaints, the post-World War II communist regime would have had less reason and fewer allies to apply the amount of force it did for the reorganization of rural society.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1982-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/3
10.5195/cbp.1982.3
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 103: Food Deprivation and Social Stratification in Prewar Hungary; 20
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/3/3
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/20
2017-02-16T15:08:26Z
cbp:ART
Soviet Conceptualizations of the Iranian Revolution
Nation, R. Craig
In the five years that have passed since the fall of the shah and the creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the hopes expressed in these early evaluations have been broadly disappointed. If on one hand the institutional framework built-up under the charismatic leadership of Ayatollah Ruhallah Khumayni and his Islamic Republican Party (IRP) has proven relatively stable, the nature of "Islamic" institutions has evolved in unexpected directions. The revolution has not created a significantly improved climate of relations between Iran and the USSR, and the vision of a revolutionary process pushing and with Western Europe. Soviet evaluations of the Iranian revolution have soured accordingly. 4 Setting the tone for the more critical perspective which now dominates Soviet one prestigious commentator has emphasized the reactionary forces within the Iranian leadership and the regime as an "Islamic despotism."
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1985-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/20
10.5195/cbp.1985.20
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 402: Soviet Conceptualizations of the Iranian Revolution; 50
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/20/19
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/36
2017-02-16T15:07:49Z
cbp:ART
The Hungarian Parliament in Transition
Racz, Barnabas
Most socialist states have shown some transformation of their political institutions in the eighties, but the Hungarian experimentation with reforms is significantly different from that of other socialist states. The 1985 national and local elections were held on the basis of a hitherto unique electoral law; citizens were able to nominate candidates of their own choosing. The Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) Central Committee clearly approved of the expanded responsibilities forthe new National Assembly (also called in Hungarian the Parliament or Orszag gyules) and held that it should play a more active role in the legislative and political systems. This, of course, would be impossible without major organizational and/or functional changes on the plenary, committee and procedural levels.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1989-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/36
10.5195/cbp.1989.36
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 705: The Hungarian Parliament in Transition; 40
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/36/34
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/52
2017-02-16T15:07:26Z
cbp:ART
Regime Transition in a Disintegrating Yugoslavia: The Law-of-Rule vs. The Rule-of-Law
Cohen, Lenard J.
Democratic transition -- that indeterminate phase between the end of an authoritarian regime and the consolidation of democratic rule -- is always a difficult and challenging period for the members of a society. In the case of Yugoslavia, problems of democratization during the early 1990's were complicated by particularly intense ethnic and inter-regional conflicts, leading eventually to an armed struggle with a very high loss of life, and widespread societal disruption. Indeed, by early 1992 the "Yugoslav crisis" had led to the disintegration of the country, and the emergence of a number of successor states.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1992-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/52
10.5195/cbp.1992.52
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 908: Regime Transition in a Disintegrating Yugoslavia: The Law-of-Rule vs. The Rule-of-Law; 27
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/52/50
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/68
2017-02-16T15:06:50Z
cbp:ART
Textiles and National Identity among Ukrainians in Poland
Dankowska, Joanna
The changesin functions of traditional folk textiles among the Ukrainians who in 1947 were resettled to northeastern Poland can be regarded as an indicator of the preservation of their Ukrainian national identity. While conducting field research amongst the Ukrainians living in Poland, the author frequently heard it said that their folk textiles (especially costumes and cross-stitched embroidery) were important symbols of their national and cultural identity. There are many functions of any national or regional textiles (Bogatyrev 1979; Bazielich 1987}, but I will focus on Ukrainian folk textiles as a symbol of the national identity of the users. Folk textiles as a national symbol does not, of course, exclude the coexistence of other functions such as ritual aesthetics, practicality, and qualifiers of gender, age, and wealth. However, all of these are less important than the national function of the Ukrainian textiles.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1996-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/68
10.5195/cbp.1996.68
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1204: Textiles and National Identity among Ukrainians in Poland; 34
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/68/66
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/85
2017-02-16T15:06:28Z
cbp:ART
The Rule of Law and Russian Military Reform: The Role of Soldiers' Mothers in Russian Society
Vallance, Brenda
Russian journals and newspapers today are filled with discussions about the need to reform the military, and this issue continues to be a subject debated in elections, headlined in the front pages of leading papers, and addressed in presidential speeches. It is not a new discussion, however, but the continuation of discussions and debates that began as early as 1987. At that time articles increasingly critical of the military began to appear in all types of Soviet journals and newspapers, with both civilian and military experts analyzing what needed to be done to make the military a democratic institution. Yet little progress has been made in military reform. Clearly, the upheavals of a state in transition from communism and the concomitant instability contributed to a basic neglect of the military. At the same time, one would think that the continual call for military reform over the last ten years, often voiced at the highest levels, would have elicited some reform action. Certainly there are people with enough power in Russia today, especially given the strong presidential system, to order military reform. Yet it has not happened. Given this lack of action, the intent of this essay is to ask, Who, finally will reform the Russian military?
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2000-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/85
10.5195/cbp.2000.85
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1407: The Rule of Law and Russian Military Reform: The Role of Soldiers' Mothers in Russian Society; 35
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/85/86
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/101
2017-02-16T15:07:58Z
cbp:ART
The Soviet Union and the Carter Administration
Freedman, Robert O.
lt has now been almost six years since Jimmy Carter left office. In this period, the memoirs of almost everyone of the key American participants in Soviet-American relations during the Carter Administration have been published, along with evaluations by Soviet officials, and a major Soviet defector. In addition a number of American scholars have published analyses of the Carter Administration's dealing with the USSR. the most extensive being that of Raymond Garthoff, himself a participantobserver of Soviet American relations during this period.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1987-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/101
10.5195/cbp.1987.101
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 602: The Soviet Union and the Carter Administration; 80
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/101/102
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/118
2017-02-16T15:06:04Z
cbp:ART
A Civil War Episode: General Mamontov in Tambov, August 1919
Landis, Erik-C.
“Up until the 14th of August 1919, despite the number of military fronts connected with the civil war, for us in Kozlov, everything was more or less calm, at least, as calm as it gets behind the front lines.” These words introduce a brief set of reminiscences, published in the local Communist Party newspaper, Our Truth (Nasha Pravda), in the town of Kozlov, located in the central Russian province of Tambov. The occasion was the tenth anniversary of one of the most brutal episodes of the Russian civil war to take place in the province, namely “Mamantov’s Raid,” in which a force of Don Cossack cavalry, active in the anti-Bolshevik struggle in the south of Russia, advanced deep into Soviet territory, disrupting vital Red Army supply and communications links with the front line.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2002-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/118
10.5195/cbp.2002.118
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1601: A Civil War Episode: General Mamontov in Tambov, August 1919; 39
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/118/119
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/134
2017-02-16T15:05:32Z
cbp:ART
A Life on the Left: Moritz Mebel’s Journey Through the Twentieth Century
Weinberg, Robert
Faber, Marion
In A Life on the Left, Moritz Mebel describes life as a Jewish refugee from Germany in 1930s Moscow, service in the Red Army during the war, and what it meant to be a Jew in Stalin’s Russia and communist East Germany. He also evaluates his life as a political activist upon his return to East Germany after Stalin’s death and offers insight into the allure of communism.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2007-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/134
10.5195/cbp.2007.134
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1805: A Life on the Left: Moritz Mebel’s Journey Through the Twentieth Century; 76
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/134/135
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/150
2017-02-16T15:05:07Z
cbp:ART
Women Engaged/Engaged Art in Postwar Bosnia: Reconciliation, Recovery, and Civil Society
Simmons, Cynthia
In postwar and post-Communist Bosnia-Herzegovina, civil society has been developing along with a signifi cant recasting of women’s roles in public life. Researchers have equated civil society since the war in Bosnia almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Certainly this has been the most infl uential sphere of both women’s work and of public activities contributing to a nascent civil society. Researchers have given insuffi cient attention, however, to the contributions of women in the burgeoning free press in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as to the increasing social engagement and infl uence of women artists and arts administrators. The contribution of the arts to civil society receives little attention, but women writers, artists, and arts administrators are addressing in their work and projects issues of justice, reconciliation, and human rights. Some who began their creative life in Yugoslavia, and who formerly sought independence from ideology in pure aestheticism, now embrace political engagement. They employ the potentially “free zone” of art to encourage the communication and mutual responsibility between the government and citizenry that underlies a civil society. Just as women have taken on new public roles since the war—as directors in non-governmental organizations and as editors and journalists in the independent press—women artists are addressing specifi c postwar themes, and women arts administrators are promoting publications, creating exhibitions, and organizing events that draw attention to issues that are critical to the success of Bosnia’s fl edgling democracy.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2010-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/150
10.5195/cbp.2010.150
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2005: Women Engaged/Engaged Art in Postwar Bosnia: Reconciliation, Recovery, and Civil Society; 51
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/150/151
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/174
2017-03-08T16:39:02Z
cbp:RC
Rear Cover: Having Fun in the Thaw: Youth Initiative Clubs in the Post-Stalin Years
Editor, CBP
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2012-04-06
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/174
10.5195/cbp.2012.174
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2201: Having Fun in the Thaw: Youth Initiative Clubs in the Post-Stalin Years; A
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/174/168
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/194
2017-02-16T15:10:00Z
cbp:ART
Yugoslav Eulogies: The Footprints of Gavrilo Princip
Miller, Paul
While scholars have intensively studied Yugoslavia’s weaknesses and dissolution (both in the interwar and post-World War II eras) from political and economic perspectives, there has been less work on the issue of cultural cohesion so crucial to Yugoslavism (the Yugoslav idea) as it was conceived and developed in the nineteenth century and elaborated upon during World War I. In particular, there has been little attempt to interrogate the long-term (1918–today) discursive construction of Yugoslav identity by means of collective memory—that is, the selectively shared stories people tell about themselves in order to give meaning to the ‘nation,’ a sense of belonging to the ‘national culture.’ And yet from the moment Yugoslavia was created, ordinary Yugoslavists began constructing the Sarajevo assassination as a heroic narrative of opposition and liberation that transcended the particularist identities of ethnicity, nation, religion, and history. How did the different Yugoslav regimes and post-Yugoslav political elites respond to these efforts to shape a collective cultural memory around Gavrilo Princip’s political murder of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire? What can the various manifestations of this memory and official attitudes towards it tell us about the Yugoslav national project writ large? These are the main themes addressed in my paper.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
Fulbright Scholar Program
National Endowment for the Humanities
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
The American Philosophical Society
McDaniel College (USA)
2014-06-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/194
10.5195/cbp.2014.194
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2304 (2014): Yugoslav Eulogies: The Footprints of Gavrilo Princip
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/194/207
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/15
2017-02-16T15:08:48Z
cbp:ART
The Russian-Jewish Leadership and the Pogroms of 1881-1882: The Response from St. Petersburg
Orbach, Alexander
The pogroms that raged through Jewish neighborhoods in cities and villages, mainly in southem Russia in 1881-1882 were unlike any of the previous assaults experienced by Russian or Fast European Jewry. 'Ihese violent attacks were not carried out against the backgrourrl of a military campaign in W'lich the state was then engaged. Nor were the riots isolated flare-ups touched off by local tensions or points of controversy that then led to confrontations between Jews and their neighbors as had been the case on other occasions. Rather; the pograns of the spring; sumner arrl winter of 1881 and of the ring o1f 882 moved across the countryside in discernible waves. In the first series fran mid-April through the first week of May 1881, over 175 incidents took place in both small ets and large citiinecsluding the cities of Odessa and Kiev. After a two month respite; another wave of pograns ravaged the provinces of Poltava and Chernigov with over thirty incidents being reported. Furthernore, violence against Jews broke out in Warsaw an Christmas ray 1881. Finally; the Balta pogrom of March 1882 closed out the wave of pogroms associated with the years 1881-1882.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1984-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/15
10.5195/cbp.1984.15
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 308; 39
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/15/14
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/31
2017-02-16T15:08:09Z
cbp:ART
Japanese-Soviet Relations under Gorbachev
Kim, Roy
A restrained relationship between the Soviet Union and Japan great military and economic powers and geographically close neighbors in Northeast Asia -is an international anomaly of considerable magnitude. Resolution of this anomaly has been delayed for the last 40 years by several factors, some bilateral and others involving third parties. Yet, it would be surprising if the two nations were anything but restrained and suspicious of each other. Historically they fought each other in East Asia since the turn of the century. The two countries have very little in common in social, political, and cultural spheres. For this and other reasons, the Soviet image in Japan is extremely unfavorable. Yet the growth of both nations' power -militarily for Moscow and economically for Tokyo - has gradually and steadily increased the mutual necessity for improving relations. Given Soviet military strength in the Pacific, Tokyo has attempted, without much success, to have its relations with Moscow in a "self-confident and unhostile" manner.f Moscow's policy toward Tokyo was somewhat inactive, if not negative, resulting in more damage to itself than to the Japanese. Recently this policy appears to be changing. This essay examines the probable causes of this change, actual processes of improvement, remaining obstacles, and future prospects.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1988-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/31
10.5195/cbp.1988.31
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 608: Japanese-Soviet Relations under Gorbachev; 79
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/31/30
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/47
2017-02-16T15:07:40Z
cbp:ART
The Munich Institute for the Study of the USSR: Origin and Social Composition
O'Connell, Charles T.
A lamentable shortcoming of Soviet studies in America has been the neglect of its own history. The discipline has produced no systematic, empirically grounded, critical review of itself. To be sure, there have been periodic assessments of the field measured in terms of funding monies available, Ph.D.'s produced, and research trips abroad to Soviet archives. Such quantified examinations have been periodically supplemented by critical essays which measure the strength of the field less by numbers of research articles produced and more by the fruitfulness of the theoretical and methodological assumptions guiding research. The very few pieces in this genre have chided the profession of Soviet studies for basing itself upon Cold War political assumptions and for a political self-censorship which, until the arrival of the revisionist historians, produced a sterile intellectual orthodoxy? These provocative assessments of the relationship of politics to science in Soviet studies have been quite important for raising the question of the influence of social factors upon the practice of science and for delineating the broad contours of political influence. These accomplishments notwithstanding, the critical reviews of the field suffer from the absence of empirically detailed presentations of evidence that would support their controversial claims.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1990-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/47
10.5195/cbp.1990.47
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 808: The Munich Institute for the Study of the USSR: Origin and Social Composition; 46
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/47/45
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/63
2017-02-16T15:07:04Z
cbp:ART
The Bolsheviks' "German Gold" Revisited: An Inquiry into the 1917 Accusations
Lyandres, Semion
On the evening of 4 July 1917, at the height of the anti-government uprising, the Provisional Government's Minister of Justice, Pave! N. Pereverzev, authorized a press release accusing the Bolshevik leaders of treasonable activities. The report published the next day alleged that Lenin had been sent to Russia by the German government to rally support for a separate peace with Germany and "to undermine the confidence of the Russian people in the Provisional Government. " The money for his activity was allegedly channeled from Berlin to Petrograd, by way of Stockholm. In Stockholm the transfer was carried out by the Bolshevik Jakub Ftirstenberg (Hanecki) and the Russo-German Social Democrat Alexander Israel Helphand (Parvus). The main recipients in Petrograd were the Bolshevik lawyer Mieczyslaw Kozlowski and Evgeniia M. Sumenson, a relative of FtirstenbergHanecki. She and Kozlowski ran a trading business as a cover for financial dealings with Ftirstenberg, thus making the transfer of German funds look like a legitimate business transaction.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1995-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/63
10.5195/cbp.1995.63
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1106: The Bolsheviks' "German Gold" Revisited: An Inquiry into the 1917 Accusations; 132
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/63/61
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/80
2017-02-16T15:06:42Z
cbp:ART
In the Line of Fire: The Soviet Crackdown of Hungary, 1956-58
Granville, Johanna
About forty years ago, the first major anti-Soviet uprising in Eastern Europe-the 1956 Hungarian revolt-took place. Western observers have long held an image of the Soviet Union as a crafty monolith that expertly, in the realpolitik tradition, intervened while the West was distracted by the Suez crisis. People also believed that Soviet repressive organs worked together efficiently to crack down on the Hungarian "counterrevolutionaries. " Newly released documents from five of Moscow's most important archives, including notes ofkey meetings of the presidium of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) taken by Vladimir Mal in, reveal that the Soviet Union in fact had difficulty working with its Hungarian allies.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1999-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/80
10.5195/cbp.1999.80
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1307: In the Line of Fire: The Soviet Crackdown of Hungary, 1956-58; 56
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/80/81
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/96
2017-02-16T15:09:01Z
cbp:ART
England and the Northern War in Soviet Historiography: 1935-1950
Scherer, Stephen
The middle and late 1930s were years of severe change for the USSR. Stalin, in an effort to destroy any effective political opposition, completed his great purge. The Soviets, seeking to avoid an international conflagration, attempted to build collective security as a bulwark against their avowed ideological enemies, the Nazis. As a consequence of these domestic and international developments and the Party's reaction to them, the historical profession experienced profound changes as well. The State,which had formerly demanded that historians write Marxist history based upon class-struggle and socio-economic analyses exclusively, now ordered historians to produce more traditional and nationalistic interpretations of the past within the context of Marxism.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1982-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/96
10.5195/cbp.1982.96
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 104: England and the Northern War in Soviet Historiography: 1935-1950; 19
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/96/97
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/113
2017-02-16T15:06:25Z
cbp:ART
Dream and Reality of Russian Provincial Young Ladies, 1700-1850
Glagoleva, Olga E.
The poet did not undertake to find out what the young girl's thoughts and dreams were, so I will try to reconstruct them. Fantastic as they sometimes are, dreams nevertheless reflect the ideals predominant in society and express people's attitudes toward personal happiness and social well-being. The realities of life inevitably underlie them. Individual circumstances, as well as many social, economic, and cultural factors, have a bearing upon the relationship between a person's dreams and reality. Closely interwoven, they make up a sort of microcosm that may be balanced or conflicted. Focusing primarily on the intellectual side of this microcosm, I will consider the aspirations of Russian provintsial 'nye baryshni (provincial young ladies) and their everyday life over the 150-year period after Peter the Great's reforms.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1999-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/113
10.5195/cbp.1999.113
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1405: Dream and Reality of Russian Provincial Young Ladies, 1700-1850; 88
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/113/114
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/129
2017-02-16T15:05:40Z
cbp:ART
Exile and Discipline: The June 1948 Campaign Against Collective Farm Shirkers
Lévesque, Jean
In February and June 1948, the Stalinist state issued two decrees aimed at a radical solution of the problem of labor discipline among Soviet collective farm peasants. Borne out of the initiative of the Ukrainian Communist Party Secretary N.S. Khrushchev, who found examples of community self-policing in tsarist legislation, the decrees granted collective farm general meetings the right to deport to distant parts of the Soviet Union peasants reluctant to fulfi ll the minimal labor requirements set by the state. Based on a wide array of formerly classifi ed Russian archival documents, this study draws the complete story of this little known page in the history of Stalinist repression. It demonstrates that despite the harshness of the measures employed, the decree did little to force peasants back to work on collective farms given the seriousness of the postwar agrarian crisis.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2006-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/129
10.5195/cbp.2006.129
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1708: Exile and Discipline: The June 1948 Campaign Against Collective Farm Shirkers; 73
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/129/130
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/145
2017-02-16T15:05:15Z
cbp:ART
The Russian Provincial Newspaper and Its Public, 1788–1864
Smith-Peter, Susan
This work examines the rise of the provincial newspaper from its origins in Tambov under the poet and governor Gavrila Derzhavin to its widespread dissemination under Nicholas I. The newspapers included an offi cial section, which was fi lled with official announcements and orders, as well as an unoffi cial section dealing with the province. The state’s aim was to increase the fl ow of offi cial information to and from the provinces. They did not expect to stimulate local society and encourage the growth of regional identity, but these were among the unintended effects of the newspapers. In particular, the unofficial section became a forum for provincial readers and writers to study their corner of the empire in all its historical, ethnographic, statistical, and archaeological facets. This helped to lay the foundation for an active civil society during the reign of Nicholas I.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2008-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/145
10.5195/cbp.2008.145
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1908: The Russian Provincial Newspaper and Its Public; 64
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/145/146
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/164
2017-02-16T15:09:16Z
cbp:ART
The OUN, the UPA and the Holocaust: A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths
Rudling, Per A.
During the past decade, particularly under the presidency of the third Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010) there have been repeated attempts to turn the leading fi gures of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its armed wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) into national heroes. As these fascist organizations collaborated with the Nazi Germany, carried out ethnic cleansing and mass murder on a massive scale, they are problematic symbols for an aspiring democracy with the stated ambition to join the European Union. Under Yushchenko, several institutes of memory management and myth making were organized, a key function of which was to deny or downplay OUN-UPA atrocities. Unlike many other former Soviet republics, the Ukrainian government did not need to develop new national myths from scratch, but imported ready concepts developed in the Ukrainian diaspora. Yushchenko’s legitimizing historians presented the OUN and UPA as pluralistic and inclusive organizations, which not only rescued Jews during the Holocaust, but invited them into their ranks to fight shoulder to shoulder against Hitler and Stalin. This mythical narrative relied partly on the OUN’s own post-war forgeries, aimed at cover up the organization’s problematic past. As employees of the Ukrainian security services, working out of the offices of the old KGB, the legitimizing historians ironically dismissed scholarly criticism as Soviet myths. The present study deals with the myth-making around the OUN, the UPA, and the Holocaust, tracing their diaspora roots and following their migration back and forth across the Atlantic.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2011-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/164
10.5195/cbp.2011.164
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2107: The OUN, the UPA and the Holocaust: A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/164/160
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/192
2017-03-08T16:39:16Z
cbp:FC
Front Cover: Courtly Love in the Caucasus: Rustaveli’s Georgian Epic, The Knight in the Panther Skin
Ecklund Farrell, Dianne
The Knight in the Panther Skin by Shota Rustaveli is the great medieval (ca. 1200) epic of Georgia, and its most distinctive feature is courtly or romantic love, which is its basic motivating force. This article seeks to establish in which respects The Knight in the Panther Skin resembles Western courtly love, and what the explanation for this resemblance might be. In this endeavor I have had to challenge a common (mis-) conception that Western courtly love was essentially illicit loveOne can easily demonstrate that the literary roots of The Knight in the Panther Skin lie in Persian literature rather than in direct contact with Western courtly love, but the reason for the resemblance to Western courtly love is more problematic. Various possibilities are entertained: namely, (1) that Arab love poetry gave rise to it in Georgia (and possibly also in the West, as has been held); (2) that Neoplatonism produced or constituted a philosophic underpinning for courtly love and that it was transmitted to Georgia and/or Western Europe (a) by Arab Neoplatonists; (b) by Western Christian Neoplatonists or (c) by Byzantine Neoplatonists. A third possibility is (3) that it arose due to social and political conditions. And what were the social and political circumstances in Georgia and in Western Europe which, at the same historical period, produced and elaborated a culture so deferential to the ladies? And which, being absent in the Islamic world, did not produce courtly love there? In Georgia a sovereign queen presided in the era of Georgia’s greatest power, wealth and extent. Feudal servitors crowded the court, eager to gain honors and riches for themselves through preferment by the queen, virtually guaranteeing a cult of adoration of the queen. It is Sovereign Queen Tamar to whom Rustaveli dedicates his poem, and to her that he declares his undying love. In Provence, where there were many feudal heiresses, a similar incentive to “please the ladies” prevailed. No direct influence from the troubadours and minnesaenger of Southwestern Europe can be found. The evidence does not support Arab love poetry as a source of or conduit for courtly love, nor can Arab Neoplatonism have played a role. Byzantine Neoplatonism, however, was prominent in the courtly culture of Rustaveli’s time, and the social and political conditions in Georgia likewise were favorable to the rise of a culture of courtly love. Thus both intellectual and socio-political conditions favored the blooming of courtly love in twelfth-century Georgia.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2012-11-13
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/192
10.5195/cbp.2012.192
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2205: Courtly Love in the Caucasus: Rustaveli’s Georgian Epic, The Knight in the Panther Skin; I-II
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/192/197
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/10
2017-02-16T15:08:40Z
cbp:ART
State Capitalism, State Socialism and the Politicization of Workers
Coleman, Kenneth E.
Nelso, Daniel N.
Politicization implies a change in individual roles fran parochial or subject to autoncnous participants in political life. The highest levels of politicization imply a fundamental transformation in the way citizens relate to government; with citizens becaning aggressive fonnulators of the agenda for public discussion and active participants in holding public officials to account. A high level of politicization could transfonn or threaten to transfonn any given political system.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1984-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/10
10.5195/cbp.1984.10
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 304: State Capitalism, State Socialism and the Politicization of Workers; 75
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/10/9
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/26
2017-02-16T15:08:19Z
cbp:ART
Revolution in the Countryside: Russian Poland, 1905-1906
Lewis, Richard D.
Revolution broke out in the Russian Empire in early 1905 and quickly encompassed both the Russian core and the national minority areas along the empire's borders. Strategically located on Russia's most western flank, the Kingdom of Poland witnessed intense revolutionary activity-- in the cities and in the countryside. The outlines of urban events in Russian Poland in the Revolution of 1905 are quite well-known, those of the rural areas less so. The purpose of this essay is to discover what was revolutionary about events in the Polish countryside in the years 1905-1906--· and what was not.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1986-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/26
10.5195/cbp.1986.26
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 506: Revolution in the Countryside: Russian Poland, 1905-1906; 66
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/26/25
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/42
2017-02-16T15:07:31Z
cbp:ART
The Bolshevik Sowing Committees of 1920: Apotheosis of War Communism?
Lih, Lars T.
In December 1920, on the eve of the introduction of the New Economic Policy (NEP), the Bolsheviks embarked on a crash campaign to avert an agricultural crisis. The Eighth Congress of Soviets passed legislation known by the name of one of its principal innovations, the sowing committees (posevkomy). The usual view of this legislation is that it was a last binge of revolutionary inebriation before the sobering morning after of NEP -a desperate attempt to use civil-war methods to undo the damage done by civil-war methods. The full record of the legislation and the debate surrounding it tell a different story.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1990-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/42
10.5195/cbp.1990.42
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 803: The Bolshevik Sowing Committees of 1920: Apotheosis of War Communism?; 26
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/42/40
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/58
2017-02-16T15:04:50Z
cbp:ART
“Frenzy and Ferocity”: The Stalinist Judicial System in Poland, 1944–47, and the Search for Redress
Micgiel, John S.
InMay and June 1992, the Polish political elite, deeply divided and mired in fractional struggle, devoured itself in the lustracja, a resolution passed by the Polish parliament to root out alleged Communist agents and collaborators then in state service. This spectacle hastened the downfall of the Center-Right government of Prime Minister Jan Olszewski, whose parliamentary supponers organized this political witch hunt. Completely dominating the political arena in Poland, it overshadowed other resolutions aimed at, broadly speaking, historical justice. Legislation aimed at reducing the retirement pensions of persons who had been employed in repressive state institutions, upgrading the retirement benefits of victims of state repression, and revising the statute of limitations on crimes committed during the Stalinist period, that is, between 1944 and 1956, languished. The unifying theme in these projects was redress for wrongs committed during the process of sovietization after World War Two.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1994-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/58
10.5195/cbp.1994.58
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1101: “Frenzy and Ferocity”: The Stalinist Judicial System in Poland, 1944–47, and the Search for Redress; 51
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/58/56
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/73
2017-02-16T15:06:31Z
cbp:ART
The Logic of Russian Presidentialism: Institutions and Democracy in Postcommunism
Nichols, Thomas M.
This study began as an investigation into the proverbial "dog that didn't bark," that failure of intuition which often opens the most interesting avenues of inquiry. In this case, the silent dog was an authoritarian Russian Federation: from 1991 onward, there was widespread expectation that it would be only a matter of time before Russia fell back into old habits, and that the experiment with democracy would be little more than an odd footnote in an otherwise unbroken record of autocracy. I am forced to admit that I was part of this chorus of pessimism, and in late 1993-despite the fact that I felt Y eltsin was right to crush the attempted coup of Ruslan Khasbulatov and Aleksandr Rutskoi-I expected little more than that Russia would then descend into some kind of muddled and mild authoritarianism.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1998-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/73
10.5195/cbp.1998.73
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1301: The Logic of Russian Presidentialism: Institutions and Democracy in Postcommunism; 53
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/73/74
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/91
2017-02-16T15:06:03Z
cbp:ART
Local Self-Government and Titular Regime Control in Russia’s Republics, 1991-1999
Lankina, Tomila
The Gorbachev era call for "all power to the soviets" initiated a period of reform of local government in the USSR and Russia. The USSR's local soviets had served as political outreach instruments of party rule, enabling the state to penetrate society all the way down to the tiniest town and village. In the postSoviet era, despite the reform efforts, local bodies have continued to exercise social control reminiscent of their predecessors, the local soviets.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2002-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/91
10.5195/cbp.2002.91
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1602: Local Self-Government and Titular Regime Control in Russia’s Republics, 1991-1999; 34
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/91/92
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/107
2017-02-16T15:07:24Z
cbp:ART
The 1982 Reorganization of Agricultural Administration in the Soviet Union: The Role of the Communist Party in Agenda Setting
Chotiner, Barbara Ann
Soviet politics under Mikhail S. Gorbachev became the arena for wide-ranging institutional and policy change across a broad spectrum of issue areas. These alterations were supported and opposed by sometimes unpredictable coalitions; victories were engineered using novel as well as familiar techniques. As a consequence, there has often been a tendency to treat the political scene in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) from March 1985 through August 1991 as almost sui generis. In many respects, the period of Gorbachev's General Secretaryship of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) has been treated as the antithesis of the political regime during the so-called "era of stagnation" under Leonid I. Brezhnev.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1992-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/107
10.5195/cbp.1992.107
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 907: The 1982 Reorganization of Agricultural Administration in the Soviet Union: The Role of the Communist Party in Agenda Se; 58
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/107/108
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/124
2017-02-16T15:05:48Z
cbp:ART
A History of the American Councils for International Education
Huber, Robert T.
The American Councils rose from earlier efforts by American scholars of the Russian language to build sustainable professional and programmatic ties with their Soviet/Russian counterparts. From the onset of the Cold War until the late 1960s, there had been virtually no such professional contact. Teachers of Russian in the United States were organized nationally through the American Association of Teachers of Slavic and East European Languages (AATSEEL).
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2004-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/124
10.5195/cbp.2004.124
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1703: History of the American Councils for International Education, Robert T. Huber; 70
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/124/125
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/140
2017-02-16T15:05:22Z
cbp:ART
The Americanization of the Soviet Living Newspaper
Mally, Lynn
This article examines the migration of a Soviet agitational theatrical form from Russia to the United States in the 1920s and 1930s. The Soviet living newspaper, or zhivaia gazeta, began during the Russian Civil War as a method to act out a pro-Soviet version of the news for mainly illiterate Red Army soldiers. During the 1920s, it evolved into an experimental form of agitprop theater that attracted the interest of foreigners, who hoped to develop new methods of political theater in their own countries. In the United States, the living newspaper format was first adopted by American communist circles. Eventually, the depression-era arts program, the Federal Theatre Project (FTP), incorporated an expanded and altered version as part of its many offerings. Living newspapers eventually became one of the FTP’s most celebrated and criticized performance genres. The political content of American living newspapers was a major factor in the government’s elimination of the FTP in 1939.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2008-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/140
10.5195/cbp.2008.140
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1903: The Americanization of the Soviet Living Newspaper; 44
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/140/141
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/168
2017-02-16T15:09:06Z
cbp:ART
European Security, East and West: The Significance of the Missile Shield Proposal
Peterson, James W.
The Missile Shield Proposal, with the intended emplacement both of its radar site in the Czech Republic and of its anti-missile interceptors in Poland, emerged from the Bush Administration in the United States, a NATO partner to the West, and was directed at threats emanating from the East. As such, it became for a time a meeting place between American and Czech security goals. A range of political pressures eventually came to bear upon the proposal. External political pressures included Russian anxiety about the real target of the missile shield itself, while internal pressures entailed serious political party and public concerns in the Czech Republic. In spite of those pressures, the executive leadership in both countries approved the plan in mid-2008. However, following the American elections later in 2008, President Obama cancelled the project in the fi rst year of his administration. At the same time, his attention to the urgency of European security led him to endorse a substitute proposal that would offer a similar level of security. Thus, the senior NATO partner to the West continued to maintain a priority on protection of the Czech Republic and other European neighbors against dangers in the East.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2011-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/168
10.5195/cbp.2011.168
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2102: European Security, East and West: The Significance of the Missile Shield Proposal
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/168/164
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/187
2017-03-08T16:39:10Z
cbp:RC
Rear Cover: The Forgotten Victims: Childhood and the Soviet Gulag, 1929–1953
MacKinnon, Elaine
This study examines a facet of Gulag history that only in recent years has become a topic for scholarly examination, the experiences of children whose parents were arrested or who ended up themselves in the camps. It first considers the situation of those who were true “children of the Gulag,” born either in prison or in the camps. Second, the paper examines the children who were left behind when their parents and relatives were arrested in the Stalinist terror of the 1930s. Those left behind without anyone willing or able to take them in ended up in orphanages, or found themselves on their own, having to grow up quickly and cope with adult situations and responsibilities. Thirdly, the study focuses on young persons who themselves ended up in the Gulag, either due to their connections with arrested family members, or due to actions in their own right which fell afoul of Stalinist “legality,” and consider the ways in which their youth shaped their experience of the Gulag and their strategies for survival. The effects of a Gulag childhood were profound both for individuals and for Soviet society as a whole. Millions of children’s lives were torn apart by the Stalinist terror; they not only lost loved ones and friends, but they also faced social stigmatization, political and economic marginalization, and compromised opportunities for upward mobility and security. For some whose parents were rehabilitated, this brought a degree of normalcy, and they felt that the state had redeemed itself and their families. But for others it contributed to a process of alienation that ended up in political dissidence and emigration. Any history of post-Stalinist society must take into consideration the fact that the Gulag did not just affect those who served time in the camps and colonies, but also the children they left behind. Further studies are needed to determine to what extent the experiences of children of the Gulag informed social patterns during the last decades of the Soviet regime, and in particular, responses to Gorbachev’s efforts at reform.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2012-10-02
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/187
10.5195/cbp.2012.187
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2203: The Forgotten Victims: Childhood and the Soviet Gulag, 1929-1953; A
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/187/181
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/203
2017-02-16T15:10:13Z
cbp:ART
Contesting The Malyn Massacre: The Legacy Of Inter-Ethnic Violence And The Second World War In Eastern Europe
McBride, Jared
On the morning of July 13, 1943, a German anti-partisan formation surrounded the small village of Malyn and its Czech and Ukrainian inhabitants. The soldiers gathered the entire village population in the town square and, after a document check, proceeded to lock them inside the town church, school and their homes. The soldiers then set fire to these buildings and shot them with machine guns. By the end of the day, Malyn ceased to exist. On the surface, the Malyn Massacre appears as just another ghastly crime committed by a brutal occupying force. Yet, a closer look at archival sources, popular discourse, and scholarly literature on Malyn reveals a much different picture – and a murkier one. In total, there are over fifteen different versions of what happened in Malyn that day. The ethnic identities of the units that accompanied the Germans vary from account to account, as do the details of the crime, the justification for the reprisal, and even the ethnicity of the victims. In analyzing materials from over ten archives in six countries and four historiographical-linguistic narratives, in addition to field research in Ukraine and the Czech Republic, this article explains why so many disparate claims about the Malyn massacre exist. I specify four discursive landscapes about Malyn (Soviet, Ukrainian, Polish, and Czech) and detail how and why each of these has come to construct their own version(s) of Malyn in relation to larger grand narratives about the war in the East. This microhistory also underscores how the trauma and legacy of wartime inter-ethnic violence casts a long shadow over the current understanding of the war and highlights the daunting task scholars face writing the history of this region and time period.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2016-06-28
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/203
10.5195/cbp.2016.203
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2405 (2016): Contesting The Malyn Massacre: The Legacy Of Inter-Ethnic Violence And The Second World War In Eastern Europe
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/203/221
Copyright (c) 2016 Jared McBride
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/6
2017-02-16T15:08:53Z
cbp:ART
The Political Integration of Yugoslavia's Muslims: Determinants of Success and Failure
Burg, Steven L.
One of the foundations of the communist claim to legitimacyin Yugoslavia is the assertion that the party has been able to dowhat none of its predecessors could do: regulate internationalityconflict and thereby maintain political stability.Over the years, nationalist movements among one or another of the country's constituent nationalities have seriously challenged that claim. At no time, however, has the communist regime faced such a challenge from a movement based on Islam as a religious, cultural, or political force for mass mobilization. The absence of such a challenge can be explained in part by the successful integration -- some might say cooptation -- of part of the Islamic population through mechanisms of control, and timely concessions amounting to a policy of accommodation. However, that absence can also be explained by the fact that that part of the Islamic populati on which has mounted a serious challenge to the regime has done so on an entirely different basis.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1983-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/6
10.5195/cbp.1983.6
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 203: The Political Integration of Yugoslavia's Muslims: Determinants of Success and Failure; 36
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/6/5
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/21
2017-02-16T15:08:28Z
cbp:ART
Workers' Control and Centralization in the Russian Revolution: The Textile Industry of the Central Industrial Region, 1917-1920,
Husband, William
In this schema, the politicization of workers' control in the second half of 1917 resulted not from elemental radicalism but from the workers' experience both in society and at the workplace. Scholars instrumental In developing this explana~ion have paid special attention to the events of 1917-1918 and to the activities of the highly skilled Petrograd metal-workers,3 although they have by no means ignored the less active and less politically conscious unskilled workers.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1985-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/21
10.5195/cbp.1985.21
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 403: Workers' Control and Centralization in the Russian Revolution: The Textile Industry of the Central Industrial Region, 19; 53
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/21/20
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/37
2017-02-16T15:07:51Z
cbp:ART
Ligachev on Glasnost and Perestroika
Harris, Jonathan
General Secretary MikhaiJ S. Gorbachev's bold program of economic and political reform makes it difficult for Western students of the USSR to conceptualize the rapidly changing regime with much assurance. Gorbachev's initial program seemed relatively easy to understand; his overriding stress on economic modernization seemed to be the logical extension of the program begun by General Secretary Andropov in 1982- 1984. However, Gorbachev subsequently launched a series of fundamental political reforms which cannot be easily explained with the formulations designed to analyze the USSR in the past. Gorbachev's vigorous support for more open discussion of virtually all aspects of public policy, both past and present, his efforts to restore internal democracy in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), to revive the CPSU's dynamism by recasting the relationship between its full-time officials and its rank and file, his attempt to extend the authority of soviets at both the central and local level and simultaneously broaden his own authority as an indirectly elected President of the Supreme Soviet can hardly be integrated under a single formula.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1989-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/37
10.5195/cbp.1989.37
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 706: Ligachev on Glasnost and Perestroika; 60
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/37/35
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/53
2017-02-16T15:07:11Z
cbp:ART
“To the World of the Future”: Mexican Visitors to the USSR, 1920-1940
Richardson, William
During the 1920s and 1930s the Soviet Union was a place of pilgrimage for foreigners hoping to see a new world in the process of creation. When faced with Soviet reality, most found that their idealized images were far too optimistic, however, and many of them left the country in moods of dejection and disappointment. Some were appalled at the revived bourgeois way of life that seemed to be encouraged by the New Economic Policy of the 1920s, while others were concerned by the growth of bureaucracy and the apparent eagerness of the government to involve itself actively in the intellectual and aesthetic life of the nation, for example. Communist party politics, which became increasingly bitter and caustic, and indeed more public during the second half of the 1920s, caused many other foreigners to question their ideological allegiance to the new Soviet state. The enthusiasm associated with the Five Year plans revived their spirits, however. Here at last, under the leadership of Joseph Stalin and his associates, the peoples of the Soviet Union were beginning to build a new society. Russia was being transformed from a backward agrarian country into a modem industrial state, new towns were being built in virgin territories, and older cities were being reconstructed at a time when the West was sinking ever more deeply into economic depression. Individualism and privatism were being replaced by collectivism, it appeared, and a new egalitarian, proletarian society would provide a model for the world to emulate.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1993-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/53
10.5195/cbp.1993.53
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1002: "To the World of the Future": Mexican Visitors to the USSR, 1920-1940; 56
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/53/51
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/69
2017-02-16T15:06:52Z
cbp:ART
The Defining Moment: Land Charters and the Post-Emancipation Agrarian Settlement in Russia, 1861-1863
Wildman, Allan K.
Although standard works on the Emancipation of 1861, Russian and Western, reveal that the division of land and other resources between erstwhile masters and serfs was to be laid down in land charters (ustavnye gramoty) and brokered by newly appointed peace mediators, little attention has been devoted to the texts of the documents and the "negotiating" process that led to their finalization.• Soviet scholars have, however, devoted much attention to those terms that served as indicators of the massive expropriation of lands formerly in peasant use through the system of socalled cutoffs (otrezki), a notion backed by Lenin's unimpeachable authority. In 1958, P. A. Zaionchkovskii devoted an entire monograph to the question based not only on his own investigations but also those of his students (2,457 charters from sixteen uezdy or provincial districts) and other scholars, most notably B. G. Litvak (with S. S. Phillipov) on the province of Moscow (3,025 charters).
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1996-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/69
10.5195/cbp.1996.69
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1205: The Defining Moment: Land Charters and the Post-Emancipation Agrarian Settlement in Russia, 1861-1863; 69
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/69/67
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/86
2017-02-16T15:06:17Z
cbp:ART
Making a Czech Hero: Julius Fučík Through His Writings
Steiner, Peter
Peter Steiner's convincing and meticulous analysis of Julius Fucik'sReportage brings to my mind memories that are not particularly enjoyable. For me and those of my contemporaries who shared my political convictions in the early 1950s, the Fucik cult-for he had become the object of an officially enforced cult-was highly unpleasant, if not downright disgusting. There were many anti-Nazi resistance heroes like him, people who, unlike him, had been ready to die if they could take one or two of the enemy with them. But-through no fault of Fucik's-the others, mostly nonCommunist, such as Czechoslovak fighter pilots in the Battle ofBritain or the Czech and Slovak parachutists who killed Heydrich, have been hushed up and eliminated from Czech history. Fortunately not forever. Yet the Communists treated Fucik not just like a primus inter pares, but-so it seemed to us-as the only anti-Nazi fighter worth talking about When I eventually became acquainted with his Reportage during my military service, under curious circumstances described below, the main elements of the book were quoted ad nauseam not only by politruks (officers in charge of political indoctrination) but also by kultprops (officers in charge of cultural activities). This in spite of the claim that Reportage is not a novel and ostensibly is not based on any formula.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2000-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/86
10.5195/cbp.2000.86
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1501: Making a Czech Hero: Julius Fučík Through His Writings; 63
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/86/87
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/102
2017-02-16T15:08:00Z
cbp:ART
The Northern Pacific Fishery: A Case Study of Soviet-Japanese Economic Relations
Toda, Yasushi
In the nineteenth century, the Japanese first came into contact with the Russians in the fishery in the north seas. The Japanese expansion continued after the signing of the Kuril-Sakhalin Exchange Treaty in 1875 and led to the acquisition of Japanese fishing rights in the Russian territories of Kamchatka and Sakhalin as specified in the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905. The active Japanese fishery in these areas remained basically unchanged after the Bolshevik Revolution and the re-establishment of diplomatic relations in 1925. The San Francisco Peace Treaty between Japan and the Allied Powers that ended World War II and the post-war occupation was not signed by the Soviet Union. The 1956 negotiations aimed at restoring diplomatic relations between Japan and the Soviet Union resulted in a deadlock primarily because of the dispute over the Northern Territories, specifically the islands at the southern end of the Kuril Chain. Despite the fact that the territorial issue remained unresolved, the Japanese decided on a partial restoration of diplomatic relations. Their decision was prompted partially by the desire to return to the Sakhalin, Okhotsk and West Bering Sea areas to exploit the fishery.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1988-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/102
10.5195/cbp.1988.102
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 603: The Northern Pacific Fishery: A Case Study of Soviet-Japanese Economic Relations; 32
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/102/103
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/119
2017-02-16T15:05:59Z
cbp:ART
Preventive Therapy: The Neoclassical Gradualist Model of Transition from Central Administration to Market Relations
Marangos, John
The fundamental basis of the neoclassical gradualist approach to transition in Russia and Eastern Europe was to establish economic, institutional, political, and ideological structures before attempting liberalization. Without this minimum foundation, radical reforms would have inhibited the development of a competitive market capitalist system. This was because "privatization, marketization, and the introduction of competition cannot be contemplated in an economy reduced to barter" (Carrington 1992, 24). Also, implementation of the reform program required minimum standards ofliving; otherwise the social fabric of the whole society would have been at risk. The reform had to foster a social consensus that endorsed a system of secure private property rights (Murrell, 1995, 171) and had to be guided by the principles of voluntariness and free choice (Kornai, 1992b, 17).
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2002-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/119
10.5195/cbp.2002.119
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1604: Preventive Therapy: The Neoclassical Gradualist Model of Transition from Central Administration to Market Relations; 55
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/119/120
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/135
2017-02-16T15:05:30Z
cbp:ART
Cold War Lithuania: National Armed Resistance and Soviet Counterinsurgency
Reklaitis, George
Following the defeat of Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union sought to reestablish its control over the areas of Eastern Europe that it had occupied prior to the RussoGerman war. These areas included Western Ukraine, Byelorussia, and the Baltic States of Lithuanian, Latvia, and Estonia.2 In these regions, the Soviets found wellorganized underground resistance movements that were determined to hold off the complete Sovietization of their homelands, a task the Soviets had initially begun in 1940 and 1941, but which had been interrupted by war. While complete victory over the Soviets was recognized as an unreachable goal, these resistance fighters fought on in the hope that either the Soviets would grow weary of waging war or, as the above statement by Juozas Luksa suggests, the Western powers would return to finish the job of liberating Europe. Therefore, the period of 1944 to 1953 in this region is marked by an intense conflict between Eastern European guerrillas and Soviet counterinsurgency forces.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2007-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/135
10.5195/cbp.2007.135
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1806: Cold War Lithuania: National Armed Resistance and Soviet Counterinsurgency; 45
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/135/136
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/151
2017-02-16T15:05:04Z
cbp:ART
Konstantin Kavelin and the Struggle for Emancipation: A Case Study of the Westerners’ Role in the Foundation of Civil Society in Imperial Russia
Richardson, Curtis
This essay explores the emergence of civil society in Imperial Russia in the 1840s and 1850s through an analysis of the role of the public in the preparation for the emancipation of the serfs before the government made the commitment to manumit the serfs. To do so, the essay considers the role of the Westerners, specifically one of the leading Westerners, the legal historian Konstantin Kavelin, from archetypical abstract thinker into political activist within the circumscribed parameters of autocracy in Imperial Russia. Kavelin and his allies, both within and without the bureaucracy, developed reform programs in the harsh years in Russia from 1848 until 1855 in the hope that a time more propitious for reform would come thereby enabling them to act in concert with the government. The Westerners played a vital role in providing the necessary intellectual underpinnings for the Great Reforms, in disseminating these ideas to the public, and in working closely with reformist bureaucrats in their specific preparations. Kavelin‘s efforts, primarily his proposed drafts and contacts, proved pivotal in facilitating the emancipation preparations that led to the legislation and implementation of the reform. This preparatory work of the late 1840s and 1850s bore fruit when the Russian state emancipated the serfs in 1861. The aspirations for a partnership with the government however failed to materialize.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2010-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/151
10.5195/cbp.2010.151
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2006: Konstantin Kavelin and the Struggle for Emancipation: A Case Study of the Westerners’ Role in the Foundation of Civil So; 57
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/151/152
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/179
2017-03-08T16:46:03Z
cbp:ART
Russian Autocracy Redux: Path Dependency and the Late Modern State
Warhola, James W.
Path dependency emerged as a theoretical approach in the social sciences (specifically economics) in the 1980s, and has gradually been applied with greater frequency in political science. As a form of historical institutionalism, it shows promise of casting significant light on processes of political stability and change. The present study examines several large-scale defining traits of Russian politics and governance from the perspective of historical path dependence: to date, most applications of path-dependency theory to Russian studies have focused more on economics than politics and governance per se. This essay applies core ideas in path dependency theory to the case of Russia in the early twenty-first century, focusing on significant political traits that emerged during the Putin and Medvedev presidencies. This study proceeds from the view that politics revolves fundamentally around three core axes: identity, interests, and institutions; every aspect of political life, arguably, falls under one or more of these dimensions and all show path-dependent tendencies. The traits of Russian governance that show evidence of path-dependent self-replication include: (1) tendencies toward monocratic manifestations of political power; (2) political authority being conceived and exercised in neo-autocratic modes that deliberately control, marginalize, or patently exclude broad and efficacious participatory democracy; (3) an apparently instinctive trend toward political centralization; and (4) a tendency to vacillate historically between a weak and strong state, with powerful historical impulses toward the latter. By applying core ideas in path-dependency theory to the case of Russian politics in the early twenty-first century, our understanding is deepened.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2012-06-07
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/179
10.5195/cbp.2012.179
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2202: Russian Autocracy Redux: Path Dependency and the Late Modern State; 1-68
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/179/177
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/199
2017-02-16T15:10:02Z
cbp:ART
The Public and Private Lives of Mennonite Kolkhoz Chairmen in the Khortytsia and Molochansk German National Raĭony in Ukraine (1928-1934)
Neufeldt, Colin P.
This article examines the role that Mennonites played in the establishment and management of kolkhozy in the two largest Mennonite settlements (Khortytsia and Molochansk) in Soviet Ukraine during dekulakization and collectivization (1928-1934). More specifically, it investigates the social and ethnic criteria used in selecting Mennonites to be kolkhoz chairmen; the duties and daily routines of chairmen; the conflicted relationships that chairmen had with local authorities and kolkhoz members; the numerous challenges that chairmen encountered during the 1932-33 famines; and the mechanisms that local authorities and kolkhoz members used to control, embarrass, and discipline chairmen. It also discusses the negative repercussions that the rise of Nazi Germany had for Mennonite chairmen, and how political, economic, agricultural, social, and ethnic policies and conditions made it impossible for Mennonite chairmen to succeed.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2015-03-09
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/199
10.5195/cbp.2015.199
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2305 (2015): The Public and Private Lives of Mennonite Kolkhoz Chairmen in the Khortytsia and Molochansk German National Raĭony in Ukraine (1928-1934)
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/199/210
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/16
2017-02-16T15:08:25Z
cbp:ART
After the Kratkii Kurs: Soviet Leadership Conflict Over Theoretical Education: 1956-1961
Harris, Jonathan
The nature and extent of political conflict between Soviet leaders under first secretary N. S. Khrushchev has recently become a matter of considerable dispute. Since the late 1960's, Western specialists have generally endorsed Carl Linden's conclusion that a reformist Khrushchev was locked in constant conflict with orthodox elements in the Soviet leadership over a wide range of political, economic, and social issues.l However, a recent study of the Khrushchev and Brezhnev regimes by George Breslauer has charged that Linden and others had produced historically inaccurate portraits of the Khrushchev administration. For one thing they oversimplified the choices facing Soviet leaders in each issue area. For another, they sought to document conflict without first documenting the policy consensus within which that conflict was taking place. The result was that the books in questionexaggerated the level of polarization in the Soviet leadership.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1984-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/16
10.5195/cbp.1984.16
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 401: After the Kratkii Kurs: Soviet Leadership Conflict Over Theoretical Education: 1956-1961; 35
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/16/15
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/32
2017-02-16T15:07:43Z
cbp:ART
Stalin, the Politburo, and the Onset of the Cold War, 1945-1946
Resis, Albert
The precise function that Marxist-Leninist ideology serves in the formation and conduct of Soviet foreign policy remains a highly contentious question among Western scholars. In the first postwar year, however, few senior officials or Soviet specialists in the West doubted that Communist ideology served as the constitutive element of Soviet foreign policy. Indeed, the militant revival of Marxism-Leninism after the Kremlin had downplayed it during 'The Great Patriotic War" proved to be an important factor in the complex of causes that led to the breakup of the Grand Alliance. Moscow's revival of that ideology in 1945 prompted numerous top-level Western leaders and observers to regard it as heralding a new wave of Soviet world-revolutionary messianism and expansionism. Many American and British officials were even alarmed by the claim, renewed, for example, in Moscow's official History of Diplomacy, that Soviet diplomacy possessed a "scientific theory," a "weapon" possessed by none of its rivals or opponents. This "weapon," Marxism-Leninism, Moscow ominously boasted, enabled Soviet leaders to comprehend, foresee, and master the course of international affairs, smoothing the way for Soviet diplomacy to make exceptional gains since 1917. Now, in the postwar period, Stalinist diplomacy opened before the Soviet Union "boundlesshorizons and the most majestic prospects."
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1988-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/32
10.5195/cbp.1988.32
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 701: Stalin, the Politburo, and the Onset of the Cold War, 1945-1946; 45
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/32/31
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/48
2017-02-16T15:07:12Z
cbp:ART
The Public Politics of Aleksandr Nikolaevich Yakovlev, 1983-1989, Jonathan Harris.
Harris, Jonathan
During the first five years of his reign as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CC/CPSU) M.S. Gorbachev has changed the structure of authority in the USSR's political system. He initially regarded the interlocking directorate of Politburo and Secretariat as the final source of authority and the ultimate driving force for his program of reform, the CC/CPSU as a miniparliament for the discussion and elaboration of his proposals, and the CPSU's apparatus of full time officials as the major instrument to assure the program's implementation. Gorbachev's initial definition seemed to be the logical expression of his own experience as a party official who became General Secretary only after an extensive career as a regional party leader, a Secretary of the CC/CPSU with a functional specialization, and considerable experience as a member of the Politburo.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1990-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/48
10.5195/cbp.1990.48
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 901: The Public Politics of Aleksandr Nikolaevich Yakovlev, 1983-1989; 61
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/48/46
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/64
2017-02-16T15:07:06Z
cbp:ART
Zhdanov in Finland
Rieber, Alfred J.
As the Soviet archives begin grudgingly to yield their secrets, it becomes possible to reconsider the origins of the Cold War from new perspectives. Up to this point most books on the subject have been written out of Western source materials. Even the best of the very few attempts to put Moscow at the center of things have had to rely heavily on published or indirect evidence culled from western diplomatic and intelligence reports in order to fathom Soviet intentions.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1995-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/64
10.5195/cbp.1995.64
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1107: Zhdanov in Finland; 82
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/64/62
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/81
2017-02-16T15:06:44Z
cbp:ART
Poland, Ukraine, and the Idea of Strategic Partnership
Burant, Stephen R.
Both Ukrainian and Polish policymakers have come to use the term strategic partnership to characterize the relationship between their two countries. Teodozii Starak, an adviser to the Ukrainian Embassy in Poland, has stated that strategic partnership "means that both [Ukraine and Poland] demonstrate coordinated stances and support each other in the most important political areas. " However, Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma also regularly uses the term to characterize his country's relations with Russia. In addition, Ukrainian officials have labeled China, the United States, Germany, and Bulgaria as Ukraine's strategic partners. The use of the term with reference to Russia-with which Ukraine throughout the 1990s has had serious political differences-or Bulgaria or China, which are not priorities for Ukrainian foreign and security policy, appears to strip it of any significance; the term implies, at best, a goal, or, at worst, a public relations effort.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1999-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/81
10.5195/cbp.1999.81
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1308: Poland, Ukraine, and the Idea of Strategic Partnership; 46
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/81/82
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/97
2017-02-16T15:08:51Z
cbp:ART
Assimilation and Nationalism in East Central Europe During the Last Century of Habsburg Rule
Deak, Istvan
The recent history of East Central Europe has been marked by wars, political and social upheaval, and extra-ordinary economic and technological advances. But few changes are likely to be of more lasting significance than the disappearance, step by step, of multinational states and their replacement by national ones. The Habsburg Monarchy, which once encompassed almost all ofEast Central Europe, was composed of eleven major1 and scores of minor nationalities. Although the Habsburgs were German princes and the main menarchial institution, the Army, used German as its language of command, the ruling house showed no preference for any one nationality during the entire periodof its existence. The multinational character of the Monarchy was weakened, but not eliminated by the Compromise Agreement of 1867, which divided the realm into two associated estates: the Austrian Empire (or - Cisleithania) and the Hungarian Kingdom (or Transleithania). In the first of these states, the German element played the strongest role but was far from dominant, either politically, economically, or numerically. In the second state, the Magyar nation's numerical superiority was precarious at best, but its political domination was very real2.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1983-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/97
10.5195/cbp.1983.97
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 202: Assimilation and Nationalism in East Central Europe During the Last Century of Habsburg Rule; 20
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/97/98
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/114
2017-02-16T15:06:27Z
cbp:ART
The Role of the OGPU in Dekulakization, Mass Deportation, and Resettlement in 1930
Viola, Lynne
The easing of restrictions in Russian archives and the declassifi cation of key archival documents have facilitated the unraveling of the complex policies and practices of the “elimination of the kulak as a class” (raskulachivanie, or dekulakization, for short), including the mass deportations and “special resettlement” of peasants in the early 1930s (euphemistically titled spetspereselentsy or special settlers; from 1933, trudposelentsy or labor settlers; and in later years, again, spetspereselentsy). Many of the most important directives, statistical data, and reports on dekulakization and the special settlers are now accessible and, in a few cases, published. Yet, in some ways, the more we know, the less we know. As certain facets of this massive exercise in repression become clear, other issues and questions arise which only the initial stages of documentary illumination could have brought forth.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2000-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/114
10.5195/cbp.2000.114
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1406: The Role of the OGPU in Dekulakization, Mass Deportation, and Resettlement in 1930; 55
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/114/115
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/130
2017-02-16T15:05:39Z
cbp:ART
Making Saints: Canonization and Community in Late Imperial Russia
Greene, Robert H.
The story of canonization in late imperial Russia has been told, traditionally, as a political and institutional narrative of church-state relations, of strategic decisions made at the highest levels by high-ranking clerics and members of the imperial family. This essay examines the cults of Anna Kashinskaia and Sofronii Irkutskii as case studies of canonization “from below,” demonstrating that in both instances local believers and clerics played prominent roles in initiating and ultimately securing official recognition for their locally-revered miracle-workers as a gesture of thanks for miracles rendered to the community. The efforts of the local faithful on behalf of their saints speaks both to the deep feelings of reciprocal obligation that characterized believers’ relationships with the holy dead, and to the powerful localized dimension of sanctity. The miracle stories attributed by local believers to Saints Anna and Sofronii reveal how the faithful saw and talked about their saints not as distant fi gures in another world but as hometown heroes forever present in the community where they had lived, served, died, and (most importantly) were buried.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2006-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/130
10.5195/cbp.2006.130
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1801: Making Saints: Canonization and Community in Late Imperial Russia; 67
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/130/131
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/146
2017-02-16T15:05:13Z
cbp:ART
Pale of the Settlement Working-Class Jewish Youth and Adoption of Revolutionary Identity During the 1905 Revolution
Shtakser, Inna
This paper examines the construction of a revolutionary identity among the working-class Jewish youth of the Pale of Settlement through the prism of changes taking place in their attitudes and behavior standards. I claim that these changes, caused initially by worsening economic and social conditions for the Jewish community in the Russian empire, resulted in the creation of a new image a young Jew could choose for her/himself, that of a working-class Jewish revolutionary. This new image widened the options for secularization available to working-class Jews and signaled a greater openness within the Jewish community to an idea of a secular Jew. The availability of a new secular, activist identity also allowed the workingclass revolutionary youth to create for themselves a new political space within the hierarchy of the Jewish community, a space dependent on their combined new and old identities as revolutionaries and Jews.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2009-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/146
10.5195/cbp.2009.146
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2001: Pale of the Settlement Working-Class Jewish Youth and Adoption of Revolutionary Identity During the 1905 Revolution; 47
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/146/147
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/165
2017-02-16T15:09:19Z
cbp:ART
Studying the Land, Contesting the Land: A Select Historiographic Guide to Modern Bukovina: Volume 1: Essay
Frunchak, Svetlana
This guide surveys the historiography of Bukovina, a region adjacent to the slopes of the outer, eastern Carpathians in East Central Europe. This work is intended as an introductory guide to the historical literature on Bukovina, which is voluminous but not easily accessible to readers who are not familiar with Eastern European languages. Another purpose of this guide is to demonstrate how historiography became a tool for political and cultural controversy in a borderland region. The discourse about Bukovina’s past, or rather the multiple controversial interpretations that tend to ignore each other, suggest that ideas of nationalism and territoriality, which have provided the major framework for conceptualizing of Europe’s past and present since the late eighteenth century, continue to dominate historical writings about the region. A (linguistically equipped) student of Bukovina would be looking at a large variety of general studies and an even more striking number of period- and theme-specific studies, published at different times and in various places. The naïve researcher might be surprised to fi nd quite divergent stories about the same region: many historical studies of Bukovina illustrate what might be called the borderland syndrome of contesting shared land―different ethnic communities produce quite separate historical narratives.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2011-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/165
10.5195/cbp.2011.165
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2108: (Vol. 1 Essay): Studying the Land, Contesting the Land: A Select Historiographic Guide to Modern Bukovina
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/165/161
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/193
2017-03-08T16:39:17Z
cbp:RC
Rear Cover: Courtly Love in the Caucasus: Rustaveli’s Georgian Epic, The Knight in the Panther Skin
Ecklund Farrell, Dianne
The Knight in the Panther Skin by Shota Rustaveli is the great medieval (ca. 1200) epic of Georgia, and its most distinctive feature is courtly or romantic love, which is its basic motivating force. This article seeks to establish in which respects The Knight in the Panther Skin resembles Western courtly love, and what the explanation for this resemblance might be. In this endeavor I have had to challenge a common (mis-) conception that Western courtly love was essentially illicit loveOne can easily demonstrate that the literary roots of The Knight in the Panther Skin lie in Persian literature rather than in direct contact with Western courtly love, but the reason for the resemblance to Western courtly love is more problematic. Various possibilities are entertained: namely, (1) that Arab love poetry gave rise to it in Georgia (and possibly also in the West, as has been held); (2) that Neoplatonism produced or constituted a philosophic underpinning for courtly love and that it was transmitted to Georgia and/or Western Europe (a) by Arab Neoplatonists; (b) by Western Christian Neoplatonists or (c) by Byzantine Neoplatonists. A third possibility is (3) that it arose due to social and political conditions. And what were the social and political circumstances in Georgia and in Western Europe which, at the same historical period, produced and elaborated a culture so deferential to the ladies? And which, being absent in the Islamic world, did not produce courtly love there? In Georgia a sovereign queen presided in the era of Georgia’s greatest power, wealth and extent. Feudal servitors crowded the court, eager to gain honors and riches for themselves through preferment by the queen, virtually guaranteeing a cult of adoration of the queen. It is Sovereign Queen Tamar to whom Rustaveli dedicates his poem, and to her that he declares his undying love. In Provence, where there were many feudal heiresses, a similar incentive to “please the ladies” prevailed. No direct influence from the troubadours and minnesaenger of Southwestern Europe can be found. The evidence does not support Arab love poetry as a source of or conduit for courtly love, nor can Arab Neoplatonism have played a role. Byzantine Neoplatonism, however, was prominent in the courtly culture of Rustaveli’s time, and the social and political conditions in Georgia likewise were favorable to the rise of a culture of courtly love. Thus both intellectual and socio-political conditions favored the blooming of courtly love in twelfth-century Georgia.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2012-11-13
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/193
10.5195/cbp.2012.193
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2205: Courtly Love in the Caucasus: Rustaveli’s Georgian Epic, The Knight in the Panther Skin; A
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/193/193
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/11
2017-02-16T15:08:41Z
cbp:ART
Stalin, the Great Purge, and Russian History: A New Look at the "New Class"
Shatz, Marshall
Though nearly fifty years in the past; Stalin's Great Purge of the 1930s still loans as one of the nost enigmatic events of the twentieth century. Whether we think of the Great Purge as a 100re or less continuous process fran the assassination of Kirov in 1934 to Ezhov's replacement by Beria as head of the secret police at the end of 1938; or limit it to the EzhoVshchina of 1937 and 1938; When the terror reached its peak; the sheer nagnitude of the operation is astounding. The nuniber of arrests; deportations; imprisonments; and lives lost in these years is impossible to measure; and attempts to do so have varied wildly. Even the lowest estimates; however; are staggering.! It is not merely the size of the Great Purge that nekes it such a historical puzzle; however; but the fact that it took place in peacetime; in a society publicly and officially ccmnitted to rational values and the hUI'Cailistic ideals of Marxism and the Russian revolutionary tradition. In its controlled and organized character the Great Purge seems conparable not to the primitive upheavals of "underdeveloped" countries in the secorrl half of the twentieth century; nor to the spontaneous bloodletting Russia itself experienced during the Civil war; but rather to the Nazi destruction of European Jewry in the Holocaust. Like the Holocaust; it is the seemingly atavistic nature of the Great Purge; as much as its actual consequences; that has presented such a challenge to scholars seeking to explain the events of the Stalin period.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1984-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/11
10.5195/cbp.1984.11
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 305: Stalin, the Great Purge, and Russian History: A New Look at the "New Class"; 48
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/11/10
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/27
2017-02-16T15:08:21Z
cbp:ART
Organizational Innovation: Hidden Reserve in the Soviet Economy
Shlapentokh, Vladimir
Konto, Vladimir
This paper explores those characteristics of the Soviet economy which help it survive and grow despite its well-known structural deficiencies: its ability to change itself, to adapt to new conditions, and to improve. This is accomplished through the introduction and diffusion of organizational innovations. Organizational innovations are changes in the ways individual efforts are coordinated and stimulated. Their introduction may serve the goals of improving economic efficiency, increasing political power, or promoting ideology.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1986-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/27
10.5195/cbp.1986.27
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 507: Organizational Innovation: Hidden Reserve in the Soviet Economy; 61
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/27/26
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/43
2017-02-16T15:07:33Z
cbp:ART
The Soviet Miners' Strike, July 1989: Perestroika from Below
Friedgut, Theodore H.
Siegelbaum, Lewis H.
The editors are very pleased to publish Theodore H. Friedgut's and Lewis H. Siegelbaum's fascinating study of the July 1989 miners strike. Not only is their account the most complete analysis in print, but the circumstances that led to their being in Donetsk in August 1989 began here in Pittsburgh.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1990-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/43
10.5195/cbp.1990.43
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 804: The Soviet Miners' Strike, July 1989: Perestroika from Below; 26
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/43/41
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/59
2017-02-16T15:04:55Z
cbp:ART
Flappers and Foxtrotters: Soviet Youth in the “Roaring Twenties”
Gorsuch, Anne E.
With the introduction of the New Economic Policy in March 1921, cities such as Moscow and Leningrad appeared to change overnight. Expensive food and clothing stores, flashy nightclubs, gambling casinos, and other manifestations of the changing economic climate resurfaced for the first time since the war. William Reswick, a Russian who had emigrated to the United States before the revolution and returned as a journalist during the Civil War, wrote that as he made the rounds of Moscow, he was astonished by the great change that the NEP, a comparatively free economy, had wrought in a matter of nine months or so. "It was a change from a state verging on coma to a life of cheer and rapidly growing vigor. " The New York Times Moscow correspondent Waiter Duranty also marveled at the changes.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1994-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/59
10.5195/cbp.1994.59
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1102: Flappers and Foxtrotters: Soviet Youth in the “Roaring Twenties”; 18
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/59/57
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/74
2017-02-16T15:07:46Z
cbp:ART
"Stormy Petrels": The Socialist Revolutionaries in Russia's Labor Organizations, 1905-1914
Melancon, Michael
Lenin's harsh evaluation was not unique. Social Democrats oftendenigrated SR activities among the proletariat, whom the SDs, as Marxists, claimed as their exclusive constituency. In 1902 Iskra described the worker-oriented Petersburg SR Committee as "half-mythical" and Martov wrote that the SRs were neither socialist nor revolutionary; he and other SD contributors to the multi-volume Obshchestvennoe dvizhenie v Rossii v nachale XX-go veka, which appeared between 1909 and 1914, expressed their view of SR efforts among workers by maintaining virtual silence on the subject? After the revolution, SD labor activists such as S. A. Lozovskii and P. A. Garvi portrayed the trade union and cooperative movements as almost exclusively SD in orientation.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1988-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/74
10.5195/cbp.1988.74
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 703: "Stormy Petrels": The Socialist Revolutionaries in Russia's Labor Organizations, 1905-1914; 64
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/74/75
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/92
2017-02-16T15:06:01Z
cbp:ART
Disciplines and Nations: Niko Marr vs. His Georgian Students on Tbilisi State University and Japhetidology/Caucasology Schism
Cherchi, Marcello
Manning, H. Paul
It is arguable that no figure in Soviet lingui stics has had more influence on that and related disciplines than the Georgian linguist Nikolaj Jakovlevich Marr (in Georgian, Niko Iakobisdze Mari) ( 1864- 1934). This influence was so powerful and pervasive that its end was stipulated by no less a figure than Joseph Stalin, in no less a venue than a "debate on linguistics" held on the pages of Pravda in 1950. Marr's role in the development of Soviet linguistics, ethnology, and other disciplines has been the focus of numerous other works, and in this essay we will confine our attention primarily to the pre-Soviet Marr, attending to a series of often acrimonious disputes between Marr and his Georgian colleagues and students that marked the transition of his intellectual and political interestsfrom a parochial focus on Georgia and the Caucasus to a far wider purview. In this transition, Marr's increasingly antagonistic relationship with his Georgian students, coming to a head with the founding ofTbilisi State University in 19 18, plays a major role. We believe that the seeds of many crucial changes in Marr's theories were sown in this period, and our objective is to place Marr in his Georgian context.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2002-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/92
10.5195/cbp.2002.92
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1603: Disciplines and Nations: Niko Marr vs. His Georgian Students on Tbilisi State University and Japhetidology/Caucasology S; 66
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/92/93
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/108
2017-02-16T15:07:09Z
cbp:ART
The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia: The Slovenian Amendment Crisis of 1989
Hayden, Robert
War broke out in Yugoslavia in the summer of 1991. Like the American war of 1861-65, this war could be interpreted as either a civil war or a war between states. And like the American Civil War , the Yugoslav war of 1991 was the ultimate manifestation of a constitutional crisis, a collapse of constitutional mechanisms for resolving political disputes that produced a showdown over the continued existence of the federal state. In another parallel to the American Civil War, the structure of the conflict was determined by a constitution some of the parties rejected, for the constitutional order that existed until the outbreak of the war had been a loose union of states (in Yugoslav terminology, republics), each of which possessed a fully organized government. Thus, despite the breakdown of the constitutional order of relationships between these republics, their constitutional status as separate polities afforded secessionists the opportunity to manipulate fully developed state structures in their quests for independence from the federation that had hitherto defined those states (Bestor 1964:328-29).
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1992-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/108
10.5195/cbp.1992.108
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1001: The Beginning of the End of Federal Yugoslavia: The Slovenian Amendment Crisis of 1989; 40
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/108/109
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/125
2017-02-16T15:05:47Z
cbp:ART
The Pragmatic Bases of the ‘Variation’ between –A and –Zero in the Accusative in Contemporary Ukrainian
Nedashkivska, Alla
The present study raises the problem of Accusative case marking for masculine inanimate nouns in contemporary Ukrainian. Constructions of the type napysaty lyst-Ř and napysaty lyst-a ‘to write a letter’, with the unmarked zero ending in the former and the marked -a ending in the latter, constitute the focus of the investigation. The assumption, common in Ukrainian scholarship that the two variants exist in the language as ‘optional’, ‘synonymous’, parallel, or as ‘stylistic variants’ is challenged. The major objective is to provide a systematic synchronic description and analysis of each case marking under investigation and to demonstrate that each construction is not a sole variant of another, and has its own domain of function and usage, as well as to show that the existence and functioning of these constructions depends on internal language mechanisms. The analysis considers Transitivity, pragmatic and discourse variables and their ties with case marking in Ukrainian. A multi dimensional model, the Prototypical Discourse Situation Model, is proposed. This model is based on the premises of Hopper and Thompson’s Transitivity Hypothesis (1980), Yokoyama’s Transactional Discourse Model (1986), and Zaitseva’s Theory of Utterance (1994, 1995). The model proves to be crucial in providing answers to questions as to the choice and function of the constructions under investigation. The Transitivity domain of the model strongly supports the power of Hopper and Thompson’s (1980) Transitivity Hypothesis, extending the hypothesis beyond the direct object properties with respect to the overt morphosyntactic manifestation of the level of utterance Transitivity. The components of Transitivity relevant for the accusative marking are: object Individuation and affectedness, punctuality, volitionality, and the number of arguments. Pragmatic and discourse domains are brought into the analysis in order to resolve such questions as why two paired case markings are not interchangeable in the same context, what precludes their free variation, and how the choice of a particular construction codes a particular message conveyed by the speaker in a given discourse situation. The pragmatic domain of the model incorporates the notions of the Prototypical Discourse Situation, the speaker’s conceptualization of an event with respect to the hearer’s knowledge, and the status of the speaker’s and the hearer’s shared knowledge. The discourse dimension encompasses the study of text/discourse structure, and notions of discourse topic and discourse saliency. The proposed model proves to be essential not only in explaining choices, but also in portraying patterns in which specifi c case marking occurs. The study argues that to capture the generalizations underlying the ‘doublet’ phenomena, the grammar of Ukrainian must recognize that not every set of variants in the language may be referred to as a grammatical or stylistic doublet.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2004-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/125
10.5195/cbp.2004.125
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1704: The Pragmatic Bases of the ‘Variation’ between –A and –Zero in the Accusative in Contemporary Ukrainian; 73
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/125/126
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/141
2017-02-16T15:05:21Z
cbp:ART
Central Asia Between East and West
Spechler, Martin
Ever since their independence from the USSR in 1991 the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have been trying to fi nd a new framework for their international relations. In this essay the experience and prospects of regional cooperation, special relations with the European Union or southeast Asia (ASEAN), or the Russian Federation are considered at length, along with some other groupings. As an alternative to preferential trade associations, affi liation with the World Trade Organization on a is prmultilateral basis obable in the years ahead. Meanwhile, the five countries independently pursue what the author has termed “export globalism”—administered trading of their staple raw materials for capital equipment and selected consumer goods.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2008-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/141
10.5195/cbp.2008.141
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1904: Central Asia Between East and West; 39
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/141/142
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/160
2017-02-16T15:09:09Z
cbp:ART
False Identity and Multiple Identities in Russian History: The Mongol Empire and Ivan the Terrible
Halperin, Charles
Anatolii Fomenko, the “New Chronology,”and Russian History*The ludicrous reconstruction of Russian history by the Moscow mathematicians Anatolii Fomenko and Gleb Nosovskii, called the “New Chronology,” has elicited a heated response in Russia from professional historians and other scholars. Fomenko and Nosovskii’s methodology purports to be good natural science (mathematics and astronomy), but it is actually bad humanities (history and linguistics) research. Because its conclusions are worthless, the support engendered by the New Chronology among the Russian public requires explanation and sheds light on the current status of historiography and historical memory in Russia. In addition, more study is needed of the New Chronology’s relationship to Marxism, nationalism, and Eurasianism, its attitude toward religion and possible anti-Semitism.Who Was Not Ivan the Terrible,Who Ivan the Terrible Was NotThe New Chronology’s contention that “Ivan IV” is really a composite of four rulers is science fi ction, but legitimate scholars have also proposed that Ivan had multiple identities to resolve contradictions and shed more light upon Ivan’s reign. However, newer attempts to attribute multiple names to Ivan and to ascribe literary alter egos to him are as unconvincing as earlier theories that Ivan’s reign was divided into “good” and “bad” phases or the more recent contention that Ivan’s writings are seventeenth-century apocrypha. There was one and only one Ivan the Terrible, and one is more than enough.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2011-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/160
10.5195/cbp.2011.160
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2103: False Identity and Multiple Identities in Russian History: The Mongol Empire and Ivan the Terrible
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/160/156
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/188
2017-03-08T16:39:11Z
cbp:ART
“We Are All Warhol’s Children”: Andy and the Rusyns
Rusinko, Elaine
Andy Warhol is the world’s most famous American of Carpatho-Rusyn ancestry, and the icons of the Ruthenian Byzantine Catholic Church were his first exposure to art. His unexpected death in 1987 was followed by the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the rise of the Rusyn movement for identity, which embraced the flamboyant pop artist, filmmaker, and jet setter as their iconic figurehead. From their own idiosyncratic perspective, the traditional, religious, provincial Rusyns have reconstructed the image of Andy Warhol, pointing up aspects of the artist that have gone largely unnoticed. In a reciprocal process, Andy has had a significant impact on the Rusyn movement and on the recognition of Rusyns worldwide. This study establishes Warhol’s Carpatho-Rusyn ethnicity and explores its possible influence on his persona and his art. It also analyzes the Rusyns’ reception of Warhol, with a focus on the history of the Warhol Museum of Modern Art in Slovakia. The author concludes that recognition of the Rusyn Andy contributes to a distinctive perspective on the American Warhol.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2012-11-05
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/188
10.5195/cbp.2012.188
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2204: “We Are All Warhol’s Children”: Andy and the Rusyns; 1-90
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/188/189
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/205
2017-02-16T15:10:14Z
cbp:ART
The Hunt for Red Orient: A Soviet industrial trest between Moscow and Bukhara (1922-1929)
Penati, Beatrice
This paper narrates the story of Red Orient (Rus. Krasnyi Vostok; Uz. Qizil Sharq) textile trust (trest). This trust was initially owned by the Bukharan People’s Republic, then, after the national delimitation of Central Asia, by the Uzbek SSR. Its activity included all the steps of the added-value chain of industrial transformation of ginned cotton (spinning, twisting, dyeing, finishing, weaving, and printing). Its factories and mills, initially all located in Russia, served as a training ground for the first generation of native Uzbek textile workers while its management participated in the planning and construction of the first cotton textile plant in Fergana towards the end of the decade. Two threads are entangled in this story: first, the day-by-day workings of the New Economic Policy in a small industrial organization; second, the economic side of early Soviet nationality policies. This paper looks at the nitty-gritty aspects of procurements, bookkeeping, audit, and management. It shows how balance sheets were more an item for negotiation and a political weapon, than a diagnostic tool for the efficiency of Red Orient’s business. Above all, the story of Red Orient reveals that early Soviet economic policies did not exclude that the Central Asian cotton harvest could be processed by mills owned by the republics themselves, and result in finished textiles for the Central Asian market. The Bukharan (later, Uzbek) governments, either directly or through their representatives in Moscow, confronted all-Union agencies in the name of the “national” nature of the trust, be it to settle complicated debt relations, to reshape the procurement of raw materials, to acquire additional looms and, ultimately, to negotiate the construction of the first textile factory in Fergana. In other words, the republics, as shareholders and eponymous “nations” of the trust, took ownership of its destiny and day-to-day trade and production activities.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
JSPS
British Academy (Newton Fellowship scheme).
2016-09-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/205
10.5195/cbp.2016.205
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2406 (2016): The Hunt for Red Orient: A Soviet industrial trest between Moscow and Bukhara (1922-1929)
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/205/222
Copyright (c) 2016 Beatrice Penati
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/5
2017-02-16T15:08:49Z
cbp:ART
The Theatre of Tadeusz Rozewicz
Filipowicz, Halina
From that experience, Rozewicz has emerged with very few verities intact. Built on irony and grotesque, his works for the theatre reveal a mistrust of abstractions and ideologies, and they expose the absurdities of the Polish and European cultural heritage. Through the erosion of character and plot, they reflect the disintegration of post-war reality, which recognizes no fixed standards for absolutes and subjects everything to opportunistic calculation. Visually forceful and evocative, they deconstruct the dramatic tradition since the romantic period and reconstruct a unique ensemble of theatrical signs. In concrete images, Rozewicz's plays brilliantly dramatize the richest variety of interests and break down traditional categories of thought about the nature of theatre. Any individual play by Rozewicz may bafflethe spectator when considered in isolation. If examined within the context of his other works, the nature and meaning of his images become clear.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1982-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/5
10.5195/cbp.1982.5
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 201: The Theatre of Tadeusz Rozewicz; 42
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/5/4
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/22
2017-02-16T15:08:10Z
cbp:ART
Dismantling an Innovation: The November 1964 Decision Reunifying Industrial and Agricultural Organs of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Chotiner, Barbara Ann
Two years after the November 1962 decision to divide the Communist party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) into separate industrial and agricultural organs, the new Brezhnev-Kosygin leadership reunited the party. The reorganization was and remains the most fundamental reform of the Soviet political system since the Great Purges. Restructuring the CPSU "on the production principle" had divided party committees below the union-republican level into industrial and agricultural organizations. Raikoms and some gorkoms were abolished; territorial production kolkhozsovkhoz administration (TPA) party committees and zonal-industrial party committees were established. The CPSU Central Committee (CC) and its unionrepublican counterparts acquired specialized bureaus to oversee production in the different economic spheres. 1 As a result of the 1962 reorganization, party involvement in the economy became more frequent and more occupied with details of production. Moreover, partkoms' economic interventions became oriented primarily toward development and guidance through the restructuring of productive relationships, introducing new products and technology, and planning.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1985-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/22
10.5195/cbp.1985.22
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 501: Dismantling an Innovation: The November 1964 Decision Reunifying Industrial and Agricultural Organs of the Communist Par; 47
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/22/21
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/38
2017-02-16T15:07:53Z
cbp:ART
The Yugoslav Economy: Systemic Changes, 1945-1986
Mencinger, Joze
In the theory of economic systems, the Yugoslav economy serves as the one example of the self-managed, participatory, labor-managed, socialist market economy. Benjamin Ward's "lliyrian firm" (Ward, 1958), Evsey Domar's "producers' cooperative" (Domar, 1966), Jaroslav Vanek's "tabormanaged market eco~omy" (Vanek, 1970) and Branko Horvat's "realistic model" (Horvat, 1972) have all been (iirectly or indirectly inspired by the particularities of the Yugoslav institutional setting. This setting has, however, not been very stable. Thus, Yugoslav post-war systemic development is often divided into distinct systemic periods.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1989-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/38
10.5195/cbp.1989.38
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 707: The Yugoslav Economy: Systemic Changes, 1945-1986; 32
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/38/36
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/54
2017-02-16T15:05:01Z
cbp:ART
Religious Compromise, Political Salvation: The Greek Catholic Church and Nation-building in Eastern Europe
Himka, John-Paul
Flynn, Jarnes T.
Niessen, Jarnes
The transformation of the former Soviet bloc has seen the resurrection of the Greek Catholic or Uniate Churches! of the Ukrainians, Belorussians, and Romanians, each of them ministering to a minority of the titular nation and concentrated in a particular region of the national territory. These churches had been suppressed in 1946-48 (and, in the case of Belorussia, in 1839) by church synods or decree, acts of dubious canonicity. The interests and confessional animus of the Orthodox bishops made possible their manipulation and complicity in these acts. Yet it was the Greek Catholics' contribution to national identity that caused the state to favor their suppression.' Religious and national motives were also present in the loyalty of millions to the illegal churches after their suppression and in their role in the revival of these peoples' national aspirations.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1993-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/54
10.5195/cbp.1993.54
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1003: Religious Compromise, Political Salvation: The Greek Catholic Church ad Nation-building in Eastern Europe; 71
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/54/52
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/70
2017-02-16T15:06:53Z
cbp:ART
Murmur and Whispers: Public Opinion and Legitimacy Crisis in Hungary, 1972-1989
Tökés, Rudolf L.
The collapse of public confidence in the political regime was a major, though not the only, precipitant of the radical political transformation of Hungary between 1989 and 1990. The purpose of this paper is twofold. It is to reconstruct and analyze the initially muted, but by the late 1970s semi-public, dialogue between the regime (by way of propaganda messages) and the public (by way of responses to survey questions) during the "mature" Kadar era in Hungary. The second objective is to trace the Hungarian people's beliefs about politics, society and living conditions, and the way these orientations changed between 1972 and 1989.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1996-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/70
10.5195/cbp.1996.70
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1206: Murmur and Whispers: Public Opinion and Legitimacy Crisis in Hungary, 1972-1989; 97
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/70/68
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/87
2017-02-16T15:06:16Z
cbp:ART
Independence and Macroeconomic Stabilization in ex-Yugoslav and Former Soviet Republics
Kraft, Evan
The breakup of the Soviet Union and the former Yugoslavia raises the question of the economic viability of the new post-Communist states. It is distinctly possible that separation was economically irrational exante, for at least some of the new states.' This, however" will be eternally debatable, while expost results can at least be studied empirically. The useful studies undertaken by Uvalic and von Selm, discussing the costs and benefits of the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union respectively, rely more on theoretical argument and prediction than on analysis of postindependence outcomes. This essay attempts a more modest task: to see whether separation has facilitated the new states' efforts to handle the urgent tasks of bringing down inflation rates and creating a macroeconomic en virorunent conducive to economic growth.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2000-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/87
10.5195/cbp.2000.87
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1502: Independence and Macroeconomic Stabilization in ex-Yugoslav and Former Soviet Republics; 50
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/87/88
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/103
2017-02-16T15:08:04Z
cbp:ART
Doffing "Mankurt's Cap": Chingiz Aitmatov's The Day Lasts More Than a Hundred Years and the Turkic National Heritage
Mozur, Joseph P.
The appearance of Chingiz Aitmatov's I dol' she veka dl itsia den' (The Day Lasts More than a Hundred Years) in December 1980 created a major literary sensation in Moscow. There was something in the novel for everyone, and reviews in the Soviet Union. the Western press. and in emigre periodicals were overwhelmingly positive. Soviet critics especially welcomed the novel for its timely appearance after a serious discussion about the crisis of the genre "novel" in contemporary Soviet letters. As such Aitmatov's novel was singled out as the work pointing the way Soviet literature should go in the 1980s.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1987-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/103
10.5195/cbp.1987.103
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 605: Doffing "Mankurt's Cap": Chingiz Aitmatov's The Day Lasts More Than a Hundred Years and the Turkic National Heritage; 36
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/103/104
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/120
2017-02-16T15:05:57Z
cbp:ART
Everyday Life After Communism: Some Observations from Lithuania
McMahon, Maeve
What Is Everyday Life Like After Communism? East European countries have been experiencing a ~ajor peri~d oftransition. State Communism, dependence, and command economres are bemg superseded by democracy, independence, andcapitalism. Yet, within are latively short period, it has become clear that many East Europeans are ambivalent about these changes. This has been reflected, for example, in the electoral victories of former Communists in various countries. What has been far less clear for many foreign observers is why such ambivalent sentiments have become prevalent.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2002-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/120
10.5195/cbp.2002.120
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1605: Everyday Life After Communism: Some Observations from Lithuania; 89
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/120/121
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/136
2017-02-16T15:05:29Z
cbp:ART
Johann Gottfried Herder and the Czech National Awakening: A Reassessment
David, Zdeněk V.
The Czech national awakening is habitually linked with Herder’s influence as a Romantic and anti-Enlightenment happening. This study argues the opposite. It contradicts, at least in the Czech case, the idea, originally articulated by Hans Kohn, that European nationalism, particularly in the center and the east of the continent, was an expression of a particularist self-assertion, verging on (or passing into) xenophobia, and defying the rationalistic and cosmopolitan outlook of the Enlightenment. The objective of this study is, fi rst, to show that the pace-setters of the Czech national awakening functioned within the realistic rationalist Enlightenment, rather than within the emotional self-centeredness, growing out of the Romanticist ethos. They drew on other than the Herderian sources, primarily on the Josephist Enlightenment, and the subsequent liberal Catholicism, epitomized by Karl H. Seibt and Bernard Bolzano. The assumptions to the contrary were based on (1) the allegedly anti-national character of the Enlightenment; (2) a distaste for liberal Catholicism by both the offi cial Rome and the secularists; (3) an assumption of the obvious superiority of German culture; and (4) a confusion with the Slovak national romanticism.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2007-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/136
10.5195/cbp.2007.136
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1807: Johann Gottfried Herder and the Czech National Awakening: A Reassessment; 57
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/136/137
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/152
2017-02-16T15:05:03Z
cbp:ART
When All Could No Longer Be Equal in Death: A Local Community’s Struggle to Remember Its Fallen Soldiers in the Shadow of Serbia’s Civil War, 1955-1956
Bergholz, Max
In the spring of 1956, a plaque was hung in the Orthodox Church in the village of Brezna, located in western Serbia. On it were carved the names of local men who had been killed fighting during the Second World War. However, contrary to Communist policy, the list included not only those who had fought with the Communist-led Partisan resistance movement, but also those they had fought against, the Chetniks. Based on archival documents, the contemporary press, and interviews with local residents, this essay reconstructs the experience of the war years in this region, the factors that led to the hanging of the plaque, and the consequences faced by the village priest for its creation. The purpose is to examine how a local community, composed of combatants and their families from both sides of the wartime and postwar ideological divide, dealt with the mandate to simultaneously remember and forget the war dead. The main argument is that the incident in Brezna was a clash between traditional local practices of inclusive commemoration of the war dead and new exclusionary forms that emerged after the Second World War, due to the fratricidal nature of wartime violence, which were supported by Communist political elites as well as many local villagers.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2010-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/152
10.5195/cbp.2010.152
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2008: When All Could No Longer Be Equal in Death: A Local Community’s Struggle to Remember Its Fallen Soldiers in the Shadow of Serbia’s Civil War, 1955-1956; 63
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/152/153
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/180
2017-03-08T16:39:04Z
cbp:FC
Front Cover: Russian Autocracy Redux: Path Dependency and the Late Modern State
Warhola, James W.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2012-06-07
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/180
10.5195/cbp.2012.180
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2202: Russian Autocracy Redux: Path Dependency and the Late Modern State; I-II
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/180/178
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/201
2017-02-16T15:10:04Z
cbp:ART
Limits of Protection: Russia and the Orthodox Coreligionists in the Ottoman Empire
Taki, Victor
history; political history; history of empire
History of Russia, DK112.8-264.8; History of the Balkan Peninsula, DR70-73; Greece, DF765-787; Romania, DR241-241.5; Turkey, DR531-567; Yugoslavia, DR1250-1258
Influence over the Ottoman Christians was the single most important manifestation of Imperial Russia’s “soft power.” In the context of the Russian-Ottoman wars of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, appeals of the Eastern Christian elites to Moscow and St. Petersburg for protection met with the attempts of the tsars and their commanders to rally the support of the co-religionists. However, Russia’s relations with the Orthodox subjects of the sultan were fraught with great ambiguity. Temporary Russian occupations of particular territories of Turkey-in-Europe during the wars incited among the local Christians the hopes for independence that subsequent restoration of the Porte’s authority would all but destroy. In order to maintain Russia’s standing among the co-religionists, the peace treaty of Kuchuk-Kainarji of 1774 and subsequent Russian-Ottoman agreements included certain guarantees in favor of the Christian population of the returned territories. The present paper offers a comparative perspective on these arrangements, which served the basis for trilateral relations between Russia, the Porte and the elites of Moldavia, Wallachia, the Archipelago and Serbia in the late 1700s and early 1800s. The difference in attitudes and behaviour of the Romanian, Greek and Serbian leaders arguably explains varying degrees of autonomy that the territories in question enjoyed on the basis of the Russian-Ottoman treaty stipulations. More broadly, the paper seeks to problematize the notion of Russia’s protectorate over the Orthodox co-religionists. It shows that the legal basis of this protectorate remained very uneven, and, that for a long time, the makers of Russia’s Eastern policy dealt with particular Christian elites of Turkey-in-Europe rather than with the entire Orthodox community of the Ottoman Empire.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (post-doctoral fellowship)
2015-04-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/201
10.5195/cbp.2015.201
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2401 (2015): Limits of Protection: Russia and the Orthodox Coreligionists in the Ottoman Empire
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/201/211
South-Eastern Europe
1770-1830
Copyright (c) 2015 Victor Taki
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/17
2017-02-16T15:08:30Z
cbp:ART
Evolution in the Soviet Sociology of Work: From Ideology to Pragmatism
Shlapentokh, Vladimir
This paper will examine the history of developments in the Soviet sociology of work, focusing particularly on research on attitudes toward work. The principal object of analysis will be the developments in empirical sociological research in the USSR since 1953, with an effort to explain the origins of the concepts recently circulating in soviet literature on work. It is also important to include a brief discussion of the views of worker attitudes dominant during the stalin era, for these have had a strong impact on the subsequent work of soviet sociologists. An examination of the stakhanovite movement of the 1930s will be used to describe these attitudes.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1985-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/17
10.5195/cbp.1985.17
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 404: Evolution in the Soviet Sociology of Work: From Ideology to Pragmatism; 84
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/17/16
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/33
2017-02-16T15:07:44Z
cbp:ART
The Bear and the Eagles: Soviet Influence in The 1970 and 1980 Polish Succession Crises
Frost, Howard
The extent and dynamics of Moscow's control over its East Europeanneighbors have always been of considerable interest to Western analysts. The nature of this influence has become particularly important as the Soviet Union has, within certain parameters, condoned a modicum of East European flexibility in domestic and foreign policy since the mid-1960s. One of the most intriguing areas in the study of Soviet policy toward Eastern Europe is Soviet-East European crisis management, and particularly the extent to which the Soviets can affect the outcome of crises their allies face.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1988-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/33
10.5195/cbp.1988.33
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 702: The Bear and the Eagles: Soviet Influence in The 1970 and 1980 Polish Succession Crises; 80
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/33/32
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/49
2017-02-16T15:07:15Z
cbp:ART
Workers at War: Factory Workers and Labor Policy in the Siege of Leningrad
Bidlack, Richard
Inall of Soviet history from October 1917 to the end of 1989, two events or greatest challenges to the existence of the regime and, one might argue, have had the greatest impact on subsequent political, diplomatic, social, and economic developments. An entire generation of Western historians has revised and deepened our understanding of the Revolution and Civil War period; however, a scholarly re-examination of the conflagration of 1941-45 and its impact is still in the initial stages.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1991-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/49
10.5195/cbp.1991.49
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 902: Workers at War: Factory Workers and Labor Policy in the Siege of Leningrad; 59
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/49/47
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/65
2017-02-16T15:07:07Z
cbp:ART
White Intelligence and Counter-Intelligence during the Russian Civil War
Bortnevski, Viktor
The activity of various intelligence and security institutions during the Russian Civil War is a complex and understudied topic. It is difficult to fmd any other period in modem Russian history before 1992, in which so many independent or autonomous authorities engaged in espionage and counter-intelligence. The Red and White Armies each organized and operated large counter-intelligence operations during the civil war. Yet the history of intelligence and counter-intelligence during the Russian Civil War has not yet been written. For many years, Soviet historians were not interested in presenting or allowed to present a balanced evaluation picture of such White activities. A favorite subject in novels and movies was the victory of honest and gentle "Chekists" over "White bandits," who never even came close to victory. Since the opening of the relevant archives, other issues and interests have taken priority causing this topic to remain under-researched.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1995-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/65
10.5195/cbp.1995.65
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1108: White Intelligence and Counter-Intelligence during the Russian Civil War; 38
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/65/63
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/82
2017-02-16T15:06:19Z
cbp:ART
Polish Peculiarities? Military Loyalty During the 1980-1981 Solidarity Crisis
Coughlan, Elizabeth P.
On December 13, 1981, the Polish military under the leadership of Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski imposed martial law, effectively ending sixteen months of popular protest and bargaining between the Polish United Workers Party (PUWP) and the independent trade union Solidarity. In the West, and particularly in the United States, martial law was interpreted as the Polish military declaring war on its own people on the orders of the Soviet Union. It was assumed and repeatedly asserted that the military was loyal to the Communist Party and to the Soviet high command, that they were little more than communists in uniform. Such an assertion, however, leaves one hard pressed to explain the acquiescence of the militaries across Eastern Europe to the changes of 1989 and the ability of those militaries to adapt to noncommunist regimes to the point of being willing and even eager to join NATO.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1999-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/82
10.5195/cbp.1999.82
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1401: Polish Peculiarities? Military Loyalty During the 1980-1981 Solidarity Crisis; 53
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/82/83
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/98
2017-02-16T15:08:37Z
cbp:ART
Estate, Class, and Community: Urbanization and Revolution in Late Tsarist Russia
Brower, Daniel R.
In what ways did the development of cities in late tsarist Russiaalter the character of social relations and conflicts in that keyperiod? At first glance, the question may appear poorly posed. It has long been customary to assess the history of Russian society in the nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries in terms of estate and class, to evaluate change by class differentiation, and to look for the sources of social conflict in the strains engendered by the transformation (to the extent it occurred) of a "society of estates" into a "society of classes." The urban centers of the country fran this point of view provided merely the setting in which key segments of the population experienced and reacted to new economic forces and politicalpressures. Recent books in the social history of the time havesubstantially enlarged and enriched our understanding of the changes under way among the urban population.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1983-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/98
10.5195/cbp.1983.98
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 302: Estate, Class, and Community: Urbanization and Revolution in Late Tsarist Russia; 42
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/98/99
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/115
2017-02-16T15:06:30Z
cbp:ART
Rethinking Russia's February Revolution: Anonymous Spontaneity or Socialist Agency?
Melancon, Michael
Six decades ago William Chamberlin wrote that “the collapse of the Romanov autocracy . . . was one of the most leaderless, spontaneous, anonymous revolutions of all times. . . . No one . .. realized that the strikes and bread riots . . . would culminate in the mutiny of the garrison and the overthrow of the government.” The kernel of truth in this description, that no one knew for sure that the strikes of 23 February marked the beginning of the end of tsarism, has ever since mesmerized historiography of the revolution, leading to grave misapprehensions of what occurred and why. My 1990 study of the revolutionary movement during World War I and in the February Revolution painted an alternative picture in which socialist agency looms large in the onset and carrying out of tsarism’s overthrow. New evidence about the February Revolution further strengthens my original arguments. This study’s twofold purpose is to orient readers in the complicated events that preceded and accompanied the fall of the old regime and, with the use of new archival materials and analysis, renew the case for reinterpreting Russia’s February Revolution.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2000-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/115
10.5195/cbp.2000.115
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1408: Rethinking Russia's February Revolution: Anonymous Spontaneity or Socialist Agency?; 48
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/115/116
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/131
2017-02-16T15:05:37Z
cbp:ART
Economic Linkage in German-Polish Relations, 1918-1939
Newnham, Randall E.
German-Polish relations in the interwar years (1918-1939) were of great importance, not only in shaping those countries’ future but the future of Europe, and indeed the world. Not surprisingly, then, the history of those troubled years has been studied by a number of scholars. Most of these studies, however, have focused on the “high politics” of the period, relegating economic ties to the margins of the story. This work uses a different approach. It focuses on Germany’s efforts to influence Poland through economic sanctions and incentives. It examines these efforts in light of political science theories of economic linkage, focusing on six separate cases. These case studies show that the “softer” tactic of economic incentives was in fact quite effective. For example, in contrast to the Weimar Republic, the Nazi regime employed economic incentives, and was surprisingly effective at building a positive relationship with Warsaw before 1939.This study aims to shed new light not only on interwar German-Polish ties, but on the role of economic linkage in international relations in general.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2006-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/131
10.5195/cbp.2006.131
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1802: Economic Linkage in German-Polish Relations; 73
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/131/132
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/147
2017-02-16T15:05:11Z
cbp:ART
Nationalism, Ethnotheology and Mysticism in Interwar Romania
Clark, Roland
Scholarship on Christian mysticism underwent a renaissance in Romania between 1920 and 1947, having a lasting impact on the way that Romanian theologians and scholars think about Romanian Orthodoxy Christianity in general, and mysticism in particular. Fascist and ultra-nationalist political and intellectual currents also exploded into the Romanian public sphere at this time. Many of the same people who were writing mystical theology were also involved with ultra-nationalist politics, either as distant sympathizers or as active participants. This paper situates the early work of the renowned theologian Dumitru Stăniloae within the context of mystical fascism, nationalist apologetics, and theological pedagogy in which it was originally produced. It shows how a new academic discipline formed within an increasingly extremist political climate by analyzing the writings of six key men whose work significantly shaped Romanian attitudes towards mysticism: Nae Ionescu, Mircea Eliade, Lucian Blaga, Nichifor Crainic, Ioan Gh. Savin, and Dumitru Stăniloae. The contributions of these thinkers to Romanian theology are not dismissed once their nationalism is noted, but they are contextualized in a way that allows twenty-first century thinkers to move beyond the limitations of these men and into fresh ways of thinking about the divine-human encounter.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2009-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/147
10.5195/cbp.2009.147
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2002: Nationalism, Ethnotheology and Mysticism in Interwar Romania; 51
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/147/148
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/166
2017-02-16T15:09:20Z
cbp:ART
Studying the Land, Contesting the Land: A Select Historiographic Guide to Modern Bukovina: Volume 2: Notes
Frunchak, Svetlana
This guide surveys the historiography of Bukovina, a region adjacent to the slopes of the outer, eastern Carpathians in East Central Europe. This work is intended as an introductory guide to the historical literature on Bukovina, which is voluminous but not easily accessible to readers who are not familiar with Eastern European languages. Another purpose of this guide is to demonstrate how historiography became a tool for political and cultural controversy in a borderland region. The discourse about Bukovina’s past, or rather the multiple controversial interpretations that tend to ignore each other, suggest that ideas of nationalism and territoriality, which have provided the major framework for conceptualizing of Europe’s past and present since the late eighteenth century, continue to dominate historical writings about the region. A (linguistically equipped) student of Bukovina would be looking at a large variety of general studies and an even more striking number of period- and theme-specific studies, published at different times and in various places. The naïve researcher might be surprised to fi nd quite divergent stories about the same region: many historical studies of Bukovina illustrate what might be called the borderland syndrome of contesting shared land―different ethnic communities produce quite separate historical narratives.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2011-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/166
10.5195/cbp.2011.166
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2108: (Vol. 2 Notes): Studying the Land, Contesting the Land: A Select Historiographic Guide to Modern Bukovina
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/166/162
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/184
2017-02-16T15:09:54Z
cbp:ART
Stalin on Stamps and other Philatelic Materials: Design, Propaganda, Politics
Kolchinsky, Alexander
Stamps, postcards, and illustrated covers present a valuable and underappreciated resource in historical research, particularly when they deal—directly or indirectly—with images of national leaders. Th eir content and design refl ect and sometimes even anticipate political developments. Th e case of Stalin, leader of the Soviet Union from 1929 to 1953, is especially complex due to his extraordinary national and international infl uence. Th is work analyzes the usage of Joseph Stalin’s likeness and name on stamps and other postal items in the context of contemporaneous political circumstances and the needs of domestic and international propaganda. Th e study examines philatelic items issued not only in the Soviet Union and other communist countries, but also in Western Europe and the United States.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2013-09-06
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/184
10.5195/cbp.2013.184
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 2301 (2013): Stalin on Stamps and other Philatelic Materials: Design, Propaganda, Politics
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/184/199
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/downloadSuppFile/184/2
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/12
2017-02-16T15:08:43Z
cbp:ART
The Family in the Soviet System
Juviler, Peter H.
The Soviet Government after Khrushchev has confronted crucial issues of refonn in family law and family-oriented demographic policy. The central question of policy has been how "to hanoonize the interests of society" in a rcore stable arrl fertile family than now exists, with "the interests of the family" in freer marital and reproductive choice.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1984-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/12
10.5195/cbp.1984.12
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 306: The Family in the Soviet System; 61
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/12/11
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/28
2017-02-16T15:08:23Z
cbp:ART
Planning Refinements and Combine Formation in East German Economic "Intensification"
Bryson, Phillip J.
Melzer, Manfred
In recent years, the formation of industrial combines (Kombinate) and the introduction of economic planning innovations appear to have been responsible for a surprisingly strong economic performance on the part of the German Democratic Republic (GDR). The positive recent record seems to have convinced the GDR political and intellectual elite (and given them courage to suggest in private) that their country, rather than Hungary, for example, has become the model for further socialist development.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1987-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/28
10.5195/cbp.1987.28
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 508: Planning Refinements and Combine Formation in East German Economic "Intensification"; 70
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/28/27
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/44
2017-02-16T15:07:36Z
cbp:ART
Soviet Economic Law: The Paradox of Perestroyka
Stephan, Paul B.
The current Soviet leadership wishes to transform the world's largestcentrally managed economy. It hopes through the perestroyka (reconstruction) campaign to diminish the economic bureaucracy, to create markets for production inputs and consumer goods and services, and to expand the role of primary production units, including private firms. Because it also seeks to supplant the present environment of administrative fiat with a developed legal culture, the leadership has memorialized these aspirations in the form of legal mandates issued by the appropriate organs of state authority.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1990-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/44
10.5195/cbp.1990.44
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 805: Soviet Economic Law: The Paradox of Perestroyka; 44
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/44/42
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/60
2017-02-16T15:06:59Z
cbp:ART
The Revolutionary Russian Army and Romania, 1917
Torrey, Glenn E.
The growth ofthe revolutionary movement in the ranks of the Russian army on the Romanian front in 1917 has attracted the attention of a number of Soviet historians. M.M. Gitsiu, Deiatel 'nost' soldatskikh sovetov i komitetov na rumynskom fronte i v Moldavii v 1917 g. (Kishinev, 1985), concentrates on the soldier's organizations and the growth of Bolshevik influence among them. E.N. Istrati, Demokraticheskoe dvizhenie za mir na rumynskom fronte v. 1917 gody (Kishinev, 1973), has a broader perspective emphasizing the question of war or peace. M.S. Frenkin, Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie na rumynskom fronte 1917 g. - mart 1918 (Moscow, 1965), is the best of this genre but despite the title, covers only one of four Russian armies attached to the Romanian front, and the one which was not on Romanian soil. Frenkin's second book, Russkaia armiia i revoliutsiia 1917-1918 (Munich, 1978), written after his emigration to Israel, is a welcome corrective to all Soviet accounts, including his earlier one. But in covering all four fronts, Frenkin devotes limited attention to the Romanian. By far the best general survey of the impact of the Revolution at the front is Allan Wildman, The End of the Russian Imperial Army, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1980, 1987), which is distinguished by balance and insight. However, neither Wildman nor the others mentioned deal with the Romanian response to Russian revolutionary agitation or with Russo-Romanian relations.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1995-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/60
10.5195/cbp.1995.60
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1103: The Revolutionary Russian Army and Romania, 1917; 98
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/60/58
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/77
2017-02-16T15:06:38Z
cbp:ART
The Struggle in the East: Opposition Politics in Siberia, 1918
Rupp, Susan
In comparison with the events of 1917, the Russian Civil War has been little studied, resulting in a problematic historiography that depicts the war as a struggle between Reds and Whites, with the opposition to the Bolsheviks reduced to reactionary officers and restorationist political forces. Soviet historians long made a virtual industry out of studying the civil war, but their work was most often distorted by the constraints of Marxist theory and party orthodoxy. Most Western studies of the political opposition focus on a single party and are often limited to the period prior to the outbreak of the civil war. Over the last decade, dramatic political changes in the former Soviet Union, accompanied by the opening of previously inaccessible archives, have spurred renewed interest in the revolutionary period and the various political groups active during that time. This examination of the opposition in Siberia prior to the Kolchak coup in November 1918 addresses a seldom explored chapter of the civil war and reveals the divisions among the forces of the political center, particularly the fracture between moderate socialists and erstwhile liberals, which fatally undermined the viability of a democratic alternative to the Bolshevik regime.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1998-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/77
10.5195/cbp.1998.77
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1304: The Struggle in the East: Opposition Politics in Siberia, 1918; 58
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/77/78
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/93
2017-02-16T15:05:55Z
cbp:ART
Citizenship, Nation-and State-Building: The Integration of Northern Dobrogea into Romania, 1878-1913
Iordachi, Constantin
Situated in the northeastern extremity of the Balkan Peninsula, between the lower Danube and the Black Sea, the historical province of Dobrogea has a highly individualized geographical character. The arid steppes in the middle of the province are surrounded by an extensive seacoast in the east, the vast Danube delta in the north, the fertile shores of the Danube in the west, and by the Bulgarian mainland in the south, making up a broad ribbon of land, a kind of "irregular oblong with a waist" (see Map I, page ll).This advantageous geopolitical and commercial location accounts for Dobrogea's tumultuous history. From fifteenth century, Dobrogea functioned as a borderland of the Ottoman Empire and one of the most advanced Muslim military bastions in Southeastern Europe.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
2002-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
application/pdf
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/93
10.5195/cbp.2002.93
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1607: Citizenship, Nation-and State-Building: The Integration of Northern Dobrogea into Romania, 1878-1913; 86
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/93/94
oai:ojs.carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu:article/110
2017-02-16T15:04:53Z
cbp:ART
New Members and Organs: The Politics of Porn
Goscilo, Helena
Until perestroika, finding pornography in Moscow was less likely than encountering a singing nun at a bazaar. Yet by 1990 Moscow News reported a lively trade in girlie magazines at newsstands, an adolescent complained to Vecherniaia Moskva (Moscow at Night) about the pornographic videos inundating the city, and metro stations and dashboards of taxis routinely displayed pictures of women wearing only a pout or a smile. Public reactions to the relentless omnipresence of naked flesh pressured Gorbachev, in fact, to establish a commission on 5 December 1990 charged with elaborating measures to safeguard the country's morality. Anyone curious about the effectiveness of that official body may consult reflections on the topic by one of its members-published in the glossy Playboy clone Andrei.
University Library System, University of Pittsburgh
1993-01-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
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http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/110
10.5195/cbp.1993.110
The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies; No 1007: New Members and Organs: The Politics of Porn; 45
2163-839X
eng
http://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/cbp/article/view/110/111
bb8fc8ee6322c128a93ee62346f3315f